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There is a confused notion in the minds of many people that the gathering of the property of the poor into the hands of the rich does no ultimate harm,since in whosever hands it may be,it must be spent at last,and thus,they think,return to the poor again.This fallacy has been again and again exposed;but granting the plea true,the same apology may,of course,be made for blackmail,or any other form.of robbery.It might be (though practically it never is)as advantageous for the notion that the robber should have the spending of the money he extorts,as that the person robbed should have spent it.But this is no excuse for the theft.If I were to put a tollgate on the road where it passes my own gate,and endeavor to extract a shilling from every passenger,the public would soon do away with my gate,without listening to any pleas on my part that it was as advantageous to them,in the end,that I should spend their shillings,as that they themselves should.But if,instead of outfacing them with a tollgate,I can only persuade them to come in and buy stones,or old iron,or any other useless thing,out of my ground,I may rob them to the same extent and,moreover,be thanked as a public benefactor and promoter of commercial prosperity.
And this main question for the poor of England—for the poor of all countries—is wholly omitted in every writing on the subject of wealth.Even by the laborers themselves,the operation of capital is regarded only in its effect on their immediate interests,never in the far more terrific power of its appointment of the kind and the object of labor.It matters little,ultimately,how much a laborer is paid for making anything,but it matters fearfully what the thing is which he is compelled to make.If his labor is so ordered as to produce food,fresh air,and fresh water,no matter that his wages are low,the food and the fresh air and water will be at last there,and he will at last get them.But if he is paid to destroy food and fresh air,or to produce iron bars instead of them,the food and air will finally not be there,and he will not get them,to his great and final inconvenience.So that,conclusively,in political as in household economy,the great question is not so much what money you have in your pocket,as what you will buy with it and do with it.

The author gives the example of a tollgate in the first paragraph to indicate that()

A.it is an act of robbery.
B.it is an impractical plan.
C.it will break the law.
D.it can make people rich.

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The historian Frederick J.Turner wrote in the 1890’s that the agrarian discontent that had been developing steadily in the United States since about 1870had been speeded by the closing of the internal frontier—that is,the depletion of available new land needed for further expansion of the American farming system.Not only was Turner’s thesis influential at the time,it was later adopted and elaborated by other scholars,such as John D.Hicks in The populist Revolt (1931).Actually,however,new lands were taken up for farming in the United States throughout and beyond the nineteenth century.In the 1890’s,when agrarian discontent had become most acute,1,100,000new farms were settled,which was 500,000more than had been settled during the previous decade.After 1890,under the terms of the Homestead Act and its successors,more new land was taken up for fanning than had been taken up for this purpose in the United states up until that time.It is true that a high proportion of the newly fanned land was suitable only for grazing and dry farming,but agricultural practices had become sufficiently advanced to make it possible to increase the profitability of farming by utilizing even these relatively barren lands.
The emphasis given by both scholars and statesmen to the presumed disappearance of the American frontier helped to obscure the great importance of changes in the conditions and consequences of international trade that occurred during the second half of the nineteenth century.In 1869the Suez Canal was opened and the first transcontinental railroad in the United States was completed.An extensive network of telegraph and telephone communications was spun:Europe was connected by submarine cable with the United States in 1866and with South America in 1874.By about 1870improvements in agricultural technology made possible the full exploitation of areas that were most suitable for extensive farming on a mechanized basis.Huge tracts of land were being settled and farmed in Argentina,Australia,Canada,and in the American West,and these areas were joined with one another and with the countries of Europe into an interdependent market system.As a consequence,agrarian depressions no longer were local or national in scope,and they struck several nations whose internal frontiers had not vanished or were not about to vanish.Between the early 1870’s and the 1890’s the mounting agrarian discontent in America paralleled the almost uninterrupted decline in the prices of American agricultural products on foreign markets.Those staple-growing farmers in the United States who exhibited the greatest discontent were who had become most dependent on foreign markets for the sale of their products.In so far as Americans had been deterred from taking up new land for farming,it was because market conditions had made this period a perilous time in which to do so.

The author provides information concerning newly farmed lands in the United States in paragraph 1 to support()

A.a proposal by Frederick J. Turner that was later disputed by John D. Hicks.
B.an elaboration by John D. Hicks of thesis that formerly had been questioned by Turner.
C.the thesis that important changes occurred in the nature of international trade during the second half of the 19th century.
D.the view that the American frontier did not become closed during the 19th century or soon thereafter.

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