The federal courts are much better tha...

TEXT A
Paula Jones’ case against Bill Clinton is now, for all possible political consequences and capacity for media sensation, a fairy routine lawsuit of its kind. It does, however, have enormous social significance. For those of us who care about sexual harassment, the matter of Jones v. Clinton is a great conundrum. Consider: if Jones, the former Arkansas state employee, proves her claims, then we must face the fact that we helped to elect someone—Bill Clinton—who has betrayed us on this vital issue. But if she is proved to be lying, then we must accept that we pushed onto the public agenda an issue that is venerable to manipulation by alleged victims. The skeptics will use Jones’ case to cast doubt on the whole cause.
Still, Ms Jones deserves the chance to prove her case; she has a right to pursue this claim and have the process work. It will be difficult: these kinds of cases usually are, and Ms. Jones’ task of suing a sitting president is harder than most.
She does have one thing sitting on her side: her case is in the courts. Sexual-harassment claims are really about violations of the alleged victims’ civil rights, and there is no better forum for determining and assessing those violations—and finding the truth—than federal court. The judicial system can put aside political to decide these complicated issues. That is a feat that neither the Senate Judicial nor ethics committees have been able to accomplish—witness the Clarence Thomas and Bob Packwood affairs. One lesson: the legal arena, not the political one, is the place to settle these sensitive problems.
Some have argued that the people (the "feminists") who rallied around me have failed to support Jones. Our situations, however, are quite different. In 1991 the country was in the middle of a public debate over whether Clarence Thomas should be confirmed to the Supreme Court. Throughout that summer, interest groups on both sides weighed in on his nomination. It was a public forum that invited a public conversation. But a pending civil action—even one against the president—does not generally invite that kind of public engagement.
Most of the public seems content to let the process move forward. And given the conundrum created by the claim, it is no wonder that many ("feminists" included) have been slow to jump into the Jones-Clinton flay. But people from all walks of life remain open to her suit. We don’t yet know which outcome we must confront: the president who betrayed the issue or the woman who used it. Whichever it is, we should continue to pursue sexual harassment with the same kind of energy and interest in eliminating the problem that we have in the past, regardless of who is the accused or the accuser. The statistics show that about 40 percent of women in the work force will encounter some form of harassment. We can’t afford to abandon this issue now.
What is the word "conundrum" in the first paragraph mean

A．dilemma
B．a kind of musical instrument
C．a easy thing
D．comfortable condition

TEXT B
In his essay "The Parable of the Tapeworm," Mario Vargas Llosa argues that at the heart of the writer’s will to write is rebellion, a "rejection and criticism of life as it is." Moreover, he speculates, it is even possible that good literature may inspire actual acts of rebellion when the reader compares the better world of the book to the relative junk heap of real life. Whether or not this is universally true, it’s an attractive idea, and, in its way, a comforting one. Language is a lever that might move the enormous weight of the fickle, war-torn world we live in. It’s free, universal and highly portable: better than plastic bomb and difficult to govern.
Vargas Llosa’s idea is also, of course, a writerly sort of realpolitik, a wish that a good novel—or story or poem—can literally remake history. When Luis Alberto Urrea began his epic novel, "The Hummingbird’ s Daughter," 20 years ago, the United States was in the first phase of a conservative backlash, the culture wars were gathering steam, and the left felt itself to be under a dark cloud. Two decades later, the situation seems even graver: the culture wars are more intense and the left feels under not a cloud but an anvil.
With the election of a new, deeply conservative pope, Urrea’s timing couldn’t be better: his main character, Teresita, is a saint as envisioned not in the marble reaches of the Vatican but in the populist pueblos of liberation theology, a Mexican saint of dust and blood, with lice in her hair and dirt under her fingernails. Poor, illegitimate, illiterate and despised, Teresita is the embodiment of the dictum that the last shall be first, and her ascension over the course of 500 pages is a myth that is also a charmingly written manifesto.
Urrea, who was born in Tijuana to an American mother and a Mexican father, is the author of 10 previous books of nonfiction, fiction and poetry; the best known of these are probably "The Devil’s Highway" and "Across the Wire," nonfiction accounts of hardscrabble lives on the Mexican-United States border. For "The Hummingbird’s Daughter," he reached back into his own family history, or what he calls "a family folk tale." Teresa Urrea, known in the novel as Teresita, was a distant relative and, as Urrea discovered, the subject of some earlier scholarship, an "influential" series of newspaper articles in the 1930’ s and at least one other novel. Urrea’s book re-imagines her story on a grand scale, as a mix of leftist hagiography, mystical bildungsroman and melancholic national anthem.
The half-Indian child of a wealthy Mexican landowner, Teresita, born in 1873 with a red triangle on her forehead, is also possessed of a supernatural gift for healing that becomes much stronger as she grows up, and stronger still after suffering a terrible assault that kills her. She rises from the dead and begins to perform miracles. The sick, the halt and the dying gather around her, and so do Mexican revolutionaries. "Everything the government does," Teresita preaches to them, "is morally wrong." This democratic groundswell inevitably results in a show-down with the Mexican authorities.
Teresita’s endurance—and survival—are literally and spiritually linked to the struggles of Mexico itself, a struggle that Urrea sees firmly from the bottom up. "God is a worker, like us," Huila, an aged curandera, instructs the young Teresita. "He made the world—he didn’t hire poor Indios to build it for him! God has worker’s hands. Just remember—angels carry no harps. Angels carry hammers."
In the first paragraph, literature is compared to plastique because______.

A．both of them are portable.
B．both of them are difficult to govern.
C．both of them can be used in rebellion.
D．both are them are highly influential.

单项选择题

TEXT C
Goal Trimmer
Utopias are supposed to be dreams of the future. But the American Utopia Lately it’s a dream that was, a twilit memory of the Golden Age between V-$ day and OPEC, when even a blue-collar paycheck bought a place in the middle class. The promise of paradise regained has become a key to the Democratic Party pitch; Mickey Kaus, a senior editor of the New Republic, says the Democrats are wasting their time. As the U. S. enters a world where only the highly skilled and well educated will make a decent living, the gap between rich and poor is going to keep growing. No fiddling with the tax code, retreat to protectionism or job training for jobs that aren’t there is going to stop it. Income equality is a hopeless cause in the U. S. "Liberalism would be less depressing if it had a more attainable end" Kaus writes," a goal short of money equality." Liberal Democrats should embrace an aim he calls civic equality. If government can’ t bring everyone into the middle class, let it expand the areas of life in which everyone, regardless of income, receives the same treatment. National health care, improved public schools. universal national service and government financing of nearly all election campaigns, which would freeze out special-interest money—there are the unobjectionable components of his enlarged public sphere.
Kaus is right to fear the hardening of class lines, but wrong to think the stresses can be relieved without a continuing effort to boost income for the bottom half." No, we can’t tell them they’ll be rich," he admits." Or even comfortably well off. But we eau offer them at least material minimum and a good shot at climbing up, the ladder. And we can offer them respect." And what might they offer back The Bronx had a rude cheer for it. A good chunk of the Democratic core constituency would probably peel off. At the center of Kaus’ book is a thoughtful but no less risky proposal to dynamite welfare. He rightly understands how fear and loathing of the chronically unemployed underclass have encouraged middle income Americans to flee from everyone below them on the class gale. The only way to eliminate welfare dependency, Kaus maintains, is by cutting off checks for. all able-bodied recipients, including single mothers with children. He would have government provide them instead with jobs that pay slightly less than the minimum wage, earned-income tax credits to nudge them over the poverty line, drug counseling, job training and, if necessary, day care for their children. Kaus doesn’t sell this as social policy on the cheap. He expects it would cost up to $ 59 billion a year more than the $ 23 billion already spent annually on welfare in the U. S. And he knows it would be politically perilous, because he suggests paying for the plan by raiding Social Security funds and trimming benefits for upper-income retirees, Yet he considers if money well spent it would undo the knot of chronic poverty and help foster class rapprochement. And it would be too. But one advantage of being an author is that you only ask people to listen to you, not to vote for you.
According to Mickey Kaus, which of the following is NOT true

A．Methods like evading income tax or providing more chances for job training might help reduce the existing inequality.
B．The Democratic Party is spreading propaganda that they could regain the lost paradise.
C．Americans once had a period of time when they could obtain middle-class status easily.
D．Income inequality results from the fact that society needs more and more workers who have a high skill and a good education.

单项选择题

TEXT D
An avid Bush supporter who already has 25 shopping malls to his name, Congel himself is not a man you would expect to entertain an eccentric clean-energy vision. The project—Destiny U.S.A., a mega-mall—first seized him in 2001, soon after 9/11—and after the project was under way—during a visit to the D-Day beaches in Normandy. "There I was looking at those pure white graves of tens of thousands of kids that died for freedom," Congel reflects, sitting on the veranda of his 6,000-acre farm just outside Syracuse, where he has imported Russian wild boar and other exotic game for hunting. "Today our kids are dying in a war for oil. Petroleum addiction is destroying our country, our economy, our environment."
Several months after returning from Normandy, Congel announced that not a drop of fossil fuel would be used in the making of Destiny. Almost overnight the mission of the project changed. It went from the mall that could save the depressed economy of Syracuse to the mall that could save America by establishing a new model for green commercial development. But will shoppers actually want to travel from far and wide to a little-known city’s eco-friendly mall And even with the green tax benefits, it is vastly more expensive to power Destiny with renewable sources than with conventional grid energy—so where’s the financial logic
Here’s where Congel’s schemes to create "monster profits" come in. Intel, Clear Channel, Cisco, Sony and Microsoft are among the brands that Destiny has recruited to supply its retail, entertainment, security and energy technologies. Many suppliers are planning to build local offices that will aid the Syracuse economy, and all have agreed to participate in the on-site development of new technologies that could be tested on the captive audience of mall-goers. (Congel will be a co-owner of the patents on all inventions.) A group of companies hopes to perfect a new wireless radio frequency identification technology to enable customers to purchase items instantly without waiting in line. The Department of Homeland Security and A.D.T., a home-security company, have discussed testing new devices that will track all visitors entering and leaving the mall.
Congel is anon who______

A．does not care about politics.
B．is a little idealistic but a real and rich business man.
C．indulges himself in environmental protection.
D．has been harboring the plan since he was a young man.

单项选择题

TEXT A
Paula Jones’ case against Bill Clinton is now, for all possible political consequences and capacity for media sensation, a fairy routine lawsuit of its kind. It does, however, have enormous social significance. For those of us who care about sexual harassment, the matter of Jones v. Clinton is a great conundrum. Consider: if Jones, the former Arkansas state employee, proves her claims, then we must face the fact that we helped to elect someone—Bill Clinton—who has betrayed us on this vital issue. But if she is proved to be lying, then we must accept that we pushed onto the public agenda an issue that is venerable to manipulation by alleged victims. The skeptics will use Jones’ case to cast doubt on the whole cause.
Still, Ms Jones deserves the chance to prove her case; she has a right to pursue this claim and have the process work. It will be difficult: these kinds of cases usually are, and Ms. Jones’ task of suing a sitting president is harder than most.
She does have one thing sitting on her side: her case is in the courts. Sexual-harassment claims are really about violations of the alleged victims’ civil rights, and there is no better forum for determining and assessing those violations—and finding the truth—than federal court. The judicial system can put aside political to decide these complicated issues. That is a feat that neither the Senate Judicial nor ethics committees have been able to accomplish—witness the Clarence Thomas and Bob Packwood affairs. One lesson: the legal arena, not the political one, is the place to settle these sensitive problems.
Some have argued that the people (the "feminists") who rallied around me have failed to support Jones. Our situations, however, are quite different. In 1991 the country was in the middle of a public debate over whether Clarence Thomas should be confirmed to the Supreme Court. Throughout that summer, interest groups on both sides weighed in on his nomination. It was a public forum that invited a public conversation. But a pending civil action—even one against the president—does not generally invite that kind of public engagement.
Most of the public seems content to let the process move forward. And given the conundrum created by the claim, it is no wonder that many ("feminists" included) have been slow to jump into the Jones-Clinton flay. But people from all walks of life remain open to her suit. We don’t yet know which outcome we must confront: the president who betrayed the issue or the woman who used it. Whichever it is, we should continue to pursue sexual harassment with the same kind of energy and interest in eliminating the problem that we have in the past, regardless of who is the accused or the accuser. The statistics show that about 40 percent of women in the work force will encounter some form of harassment. We can’t afford to abandon this issue now.
According to the passage, the Paula Jones’ case was______

A．nothing important.
B．very significant.
C．doubtful.
D．vulnerable.

单项选择题

TEXT C
Goal Trimmer
Utopias are supposed to be dreams of the future. But the American Utopia Lately it’s a dream that was, a twilit memory of the Golden Age between V-$ day and OPEC, when even a blue-collar paycheck bought a place in the middle class. The promise of paradise regained has become a key to the Democratic Party pitch; Mickey Kaus, a senior editor of the New Republic, says the Democrats are wasting their time. As the U. S. enters a world where only the highly skilled and well educated will make a decent living, the gap between rich and poor is going to keep growing. No fiddling with the tax code, retreat to protectionism or job training for jobs that aren’t there is going to stop it. Income equality is a hopeless cause in the U. S. "Liberalism would be less depressing if it had a more attainable end" Kaus writes," a goal short of money equality." Liberal Democrats should embrace an aim he calls civic equality. If government can’ t bring everyone into the middle class, let it expand the areas of life in which everyone, regardless of income, receives the same treatment. National health care, improved public schools. universal national service and government financing of nearly all election campaigns, which would freeze out special-interest money—there are the unobjectionable components of his enlarged public sphere.
Kaus is right to fear the hardening of class lines, but wrong to think the stresses can be relieved without a continuing effort to boost income for the bottom half." No, we can’t tell them they’ll be rich," he admits." Or even comfortably well off. But we eau offer them at least material minimum and a good shot at climbing up, the ladder. And we can offer them respect." And what might they offer back The Bronx had a rude cheer for it. A good chunk of the Democratic core constituency would probably peel off. At the center of Kaus’ book is a thoughtful but no less risky proposal to dynamite welfare. He rightly understands how fear and loathing of the chronically unemployed underclass have encouraged middle income Americans to flee from everyone below them on the class gale. The only way to eliminate welfare dependency, Kaus maintains, is by cutting off checks for. all able-bodied recipients, including single mothers with children. He would have government provide them instead with jobs that pay slightly less than the minimum wage, earned-income tax credits to nudge them over the poverty line, drug counseling, job training and, if necessary, day care for their children. Kaus doesn’t sell this as social policy on the cheap. He expects it would cost up to $ 59 billion a year more than the $ 23 billion already spent annually on welfare in the U. S. And he knows it would be politically perilous, because he suggests paying for the plan by raiding Social Security funds and trimming benefits for upper-income retirees, Yet he considers if money well spent it would undo the knot of chronic poverty and help foster class rapprochement. And it would be too. But one advantage of being an author is that you only ask people to listen to you, not to vote for you.
In Kaus’ opinion______.

A．the government should strive to realize equality in everybody’s income
B．the government should do its best to bring every American into the middle class
C．the goal will be easier to attain if we change it from money equality to civic equality
D．It’s almost impossible for the government to provide such things as national health care, improved public schools, universal national service, etc.

单项选择题

TEXT E
This is the weather Scobie loves. Lying in bed he touches his telescope lovingly, turning a wistful eye on the blank wall of rotting mud-bricks which shuts off his view of the sea.
Scobie is getting on for seventy and still afraid to die; his one fear is that he will awake one morning and find himself dead—Lieutenant-Commander Scobie, O. B. E. Consequently it gives him a seuere shock every morning when the water carriers shriek under his window before dawn, waking him up. For a moment, he says, he dares not open his eyes. Keeping them fast shut (for fear they might open on the heavenly host) ho gropes along the cake stand beside his bed and grabs his pipe. It is always loaded from the night before and an open matchbox stands beside it. The first whiff of tobacco restores both his composure and his eyesight. He breathes deeply, grateful for reassurance. He smiles. He gloats. Then, drawing the heavy sheepskin, which serves him as a bed-cover up to his ears, he sings a little triumphal song to the morning.
Taking stock of himself he discovers that ho has the inevitable headache: His tongue is raw from last night’s brandy. But against these trifling discomforts the prospect of another day in life weighs heavily. He pauses to slip in his false teeth.
He places his wrinkled fingers to his chest and is comforted by the sound of his heart at work. He is rather proud of his heart. If you ever visit him when he is in bed he is almost sure to grasp your hand in his and ask you to feel it. Swallowing a little, you shove your hand inside his cheap night-jacket to experience those sad, blunt, far-away bumps—like those of an unborn baby. He buttons up his pajamas with touching pride and gives his imitation roar of animal health— " Bounding from my bed like a lion" that is another of his phrases. You have not experienced the full charm of the man unless you have actually seen him, bent double with rheumatism, crawling out from between his coarse cotton sheets like a ruin. Only in the warmest months of the year do his bones thaw out sufficiently to enable him to stand erect. In the summer afternoons he walks in the park, his little head glowing like a minor sun, his jaw set in a violent expression of health.
His tiny nautical pension is hardly enough to pay for one cockroach-infested room; he ekes it out with an equally small salary from the Egyptian government, which carries with it the proud title of Bimbashi in the Police Force. Origins he has none. His past spreads over a dozen continents like a true subject of myth. And his presence is so rich with imaginary health that he needs nothing more except perhaps an occasional trip to Cairo during Ramadhan, when his office is closed and presumably all crime comes to a standstill because of the past.
Scobie liked to have his telescope in bed because______.

A．he enjoyed looking at the passers-by, even if he could see the sea.
B．he refused touching it and looking through it at the wall
C．he refused to accept the fact that he could not see the sea.
D．he enjoyed looking at the passers-by, even if he could not see the sea.

单项选择题

TEXT B
In his essay "The Parable of the Tapeworm," Mario Vargas Llosa argues that at the heart of the writer’s will to write is rebellion, a "rejection and criticism of life as it is." Moreover, he speculates, it is even possible that good literature may inspire actual acts of rebellion when the reader compares the better world of the book to the relative junk heap of real life. Whether or not this is universally true, it’s an attractive idea, and, in its way, a comforting one. Language is a lever that might move the enormous weight of the fickle, war-torn world we live in. It’s free, universal and highly portable: better than plastic bomb and difficult to govern.
Vargas Llosa’s idea is also, of course, a writerly sort of realpolitik, a wish that a good novel—or story or poem—can literally remake history. When Luis Alberto Urrea began his epic novel, "The Hummingbird’ s Daughter," 20 years ago, the United States was in the first phase of a conservative backlash, the culture wars were gathering steam, and the left felt itself to be under a dark cloud. Two decades later, the situation seems even graver: the culture wars are more intense and the left feels under not a cloud but an anvil.
With the election of a new, deeply conservative pope, Urrea’s timing couldn’t be better: his main character, Teresita, is a saint as envisioned not in the marble reaches of the Vatican but in the populist pueblos of liberation theology, a Mexican saint of dust and blood, with lice in her hair and dirt under her fingernails. Poor, illegitimate, illiterate and despised, Teresita is the embodiment of the dictum that the last shall be first, and her ascension over the course of 500 pages is a myth that is also a charmingly written manifesto.
Urrea, who was born in Tijuana to an American mother and a Mexican father, is the author of 10 previous books of nonfiction, fiction and poetry; the best known of these are probably "The Devil’s Highway" and "Across the Wire," nonfiction accounts of hardscrabble lives on the Mexican-United States border. For "The Hummingbird’s Daughter," he reached back into his own family history, or what he calls "a family folk tale." Teresa Urrea, known in the novel as Teresita, was a distant relative and, as Urrea discovered, the subject of some earlier scholarship, an "influential" series of newspaper articles in the 1930’ s and at least one other novel. Urrea’s book re-imagines her story on a grand scale, as a mix of leftist hagiography, mystical bildungsroman and melancholic national anthem.
The half-Indian child of a wealthy Mexican landowner, Teresita, born in 1873 with a red triangle on her forehead, is also possessed of a supernatural gift for healing that becomes much stronger as she grows up, and stronger still after suffering a terrible assault that kills her. She rises from the dead and begins to perform miracles. The sick, the halt and the dying gather around her, and so do Mexican revolutionaries. "Everything the government does," Teresita preaches to them, "is morally wrong." This democratic groundswell inevitably results in a show-down with the Mexican authorities.
Teresita’s endurance—and survival—are literally and spiritually linked to the struggles of Mexico itself, a struggle that Urrea sees firmly from the bottom up. "God is a worker, like us," Huila, an aged curandera, instructs the young Teresita. "He made the world—he didn’t hire poor Indios to build it for him! God has worker’s hands. Just remember—angels carry no harps. Angels carry hammers."
Concerning the main character of the novel, which of the following is NOT true

A．She is a relative of the writer.
B．She is an embodiment of self-made hero.
C．She had been studied or written about before this novel.
D．She is a saint coming from the grass roots.

单项选择题

TEXT D
An avid Bush supporter who already has 25 shopping malls to his name, Congel himself is not a man you would expect to entertain an eccentric clean-energy vision. The project—Destiny U.S.A., a mega-mall—first seized him in 2001, soon after 9/11—and after the project was under way—during a visit to the D-Day beaches in Normandy. "There I was looking at those pure white graves of tens of thousands of kids that died for freedom," Congel reflects, sitting on the veranda of his 6,000-acre farm just outside Syracuse, where he has imported Russian wild boar and other exotic game for hunting. "Today our kids are dying in a war for oil. Petroleum addiction is destroying our country, our economy, our environment."
Several months after returning from Normandy, Congel announced that not a drop of fossil fuel would be used in the making of Destiny. Almost overnight the mission of the project changed. It went from the mall that could save the depressed economy of Syracuse to the mall that could save America by establishing a new model for green commercial development. But will shoppers actually want to travel from far and wide to a little-known city’s eco-friendly mall And even with the green tax benefits, it is vastly more expensive to power Destiny with renewable sources than with conventional grid energy—so where’s the financial logic
Here’s where Congel’s schemes to create "monster profits" come in. Intel, Clear Channel, Cisco, Sony and Microsoft are among the brands that Destiny has recruited to supply its retail, entertainment, security and energy technologies. Many suppliers are planning to build local offices that will aid the Syracuse economy, and all have agreed to participate in the on-site development of new technologies that could be tested on the captive audience of mall-goers. (Congel will be a co-owner of the patents on all inventions.) A group of companies hopes to perfect a new wireless radio frequency identification technology to enable customers to purchase items instantly without waiting in line. The Department of Homeland Security and A.D.T., a home-security company, have discussed testing new devices that will track all visitors entering and leaving the mall.
Which of the following statements is NOT true

A．Congel first decided to begin the plan after he returned from Normandy.
B．The mall gets governmental help.
C．Business giants will bring benefits to the mall.
D．The plan of the mall was changed after Congel return from the D-Day beaches in Normandy.

单项选择题

TEXT A
Paula Jones’ case against Bill Clinton is now, for all possible political consequences and capacity for media sensation, a fairy routine lawsuit of its kind. It does, however, have enormous social significance. For those of us who care about sexual harassment, the matter of Jones v. Clinton is a great conundrum. Consider: if Jones, the former Arkansas state employee, proves her claims, then we must face the fact that we helped to elect someone—Bill Clinton—who has betrayed us on this vital issue. But if she is proved to be lying, then we must accept that we pushed onto the public agenda an issue that is venerable to manipulation by alleged victims. The skeptics will use Jones’ case to cast doubt on the whole cause.
Still, Ms Jones deserves the chance to prove her case; she has a right to pursue this claim and have the process work. It will be difficult: these kinds of cases usually are, and Ms. Jones’ task of suing a sitting president is harder than most.
She does have one thing sitting on her side: her case is in the courts. Sexual-harassment claims are really about violations of the alleged victims’ civil rights, and there is no better forum for determining and assessing those violations—and finding the truth—than federal court. The judicial system can put aside political to decide these complicated issues. That is a feat that neither the Senate Judicial nor ethics committees have been able to accomplish—witness the Clarence Thomas and Bob Packwood affairs. One lesson: the legal arena, not the political one, is the place to settle these sensitive problems.
Some have argued that the people (the "feminists") who rallied around me have failed to support Jones. Our situations, however, are quite different. In 1991 the country was in the middle of a public debate over whether Clarence Thomas should be confirmed to the Supreme Court. Throughout that summer, interest groups on both sides weighed in on his nomination. It was a public forum that invited a public conversation. But a pending civil action—even one against the president—does not generally invite that kind of public engagement.
Most of the public seems content to let the process move forward. And given the conundrum created by the claim, it is no wonder that many ("feminists" included) have been slow to jump into the Jones-Clinton flay. But people from all walks of life remain open to her suit. We don’t yet know which outcome we must confront: the president who betrayed the issue or the woman who used it. Whichever it is, we should continue to pursue sexual harassment with the same kind of energy and interest in eliminating the problem that we have in the past, regardless of who is the accused or the accuser. The statistics show that about 40 percent of women in the work force will encounter some form of harassment. We can’t afford to abandon this issue now.
The federal courts are much better than the Senate Judicial or ethics committees in determining and assessing those violations because______

A．the federal courts have much bigger power.
B．the federal courts are forum for determining and assessing those violations.
C．the federal courts are more impartial.
D．the federal courts are political arena.

单项选择题

TEXT C
Goal Trimmer
Utopias are supposed to be dreams of the future. But the American Utopia Lately it’s a dream that was, a twilit memory of the Golden Age between V-$ day and OPEC, when even a blue-collar paycheck bought a place in the middle class. The promise of paradise regained has become a key to the Democratic Party pitch; Mickey Kaus, a senior editor of the New Republic, says the Democrats are wasting their time. As the U. S. enters a world where only the highly skilled and well educated will make a decent living, the gap between rich and poor is going to keep growing. No fiddling with the tax code, retreat to protectionism or job training for jobs that aren’t there is going to stop it. Income equality is a hopeless cause in the U. S. "Liberalism would be less depressing if it had a more attainable end" Kaus writes," a goal short of money equality." Liberal Democrats should embrace an aim he calls civic equality. If government can’ t bring everyone into the middle class, let it expand the areas of life in which everyone, regardless of income, receives the same treatment. National health care, improved public schools. universal national service and government financing of nearly all election campaigns, which would freeze out special-interest money—there are the unobjectionable components of his enlarged public sphere.
Kaus is right to fear the hardening of class lines, but wrong to think the stresses can be relieved without a continuing effort to boost income for the bottom half." No, we can’t tell them they’ll be rich," he admits." Or even comfortably well off. But we eau offer them at least material minimum and a good shot at climbing up, the ladder. And we can offer them respect." And what might they offer back The Bronx had a rude cheer for it. A good chunk of the Democratic core constituency would probably peel off. At the center of Kaus’ book is a thoughtful but no less risky proposal to dynamite welfare. He rightly understands how fear and loathing of the chronically unemployed underclass have encouraged middle income Americans to flee from everyone below them on the class gale. The only way to eliminate welfare dependency, Kaus maintains, is by cutting off checks for. all able-bodied recipients, including single mothers with children. He would have government provide them instead with jobs that pay slightly less than the minimum wage, earned-income tax credits to nudge them over the poverty line, drug counseling, job training and, if necessary, day care for their children. Kaus doesn’t sell this as social policy on the cheap. He expects it would cost up to $ 59 billion a year more than the $ 23 billion already spent annually on welfare in the U. S. And he knows it would be politically perilous, because he suggests paying for the plan by raiding Social Security funds and trimming benefits for upper-income retirees, Yet he considers if money well spent it would undo the knot of chronic poverty and help foster class rapprochement. And it would be too. But one advantage of being an author is that you only ask people to listen to you, not to vote for you.
Kaus has realized that______.

A．real equality cannot be achieved if the poor cannot increase their income
B．his idea will probably meet with disapproval from the supporters of the Democratic Party
C．only the Bronx might cheer for his theory
D．the division of social strata has become increasingly conspicuous

单项选择题

TEXT B
In his essay "The Parable of the Tapeworm," Mario Vargas Llosa argues that at the heart of the writer’s will to write is rebellion, a "rejection and criticism of life as it is." Moreover, he speculates, it is even possible that good literature may inspire actual acts of rebellion when the reader compares the better world of the book to the relative junk heap of real life. Whether or not this is universally true, it’s an attractive idea, and, in its way, a comforting one. Language is a lever that might move the enormous weight of the fickle, war-torn world we live in. It’s free, universal and highly portable: better than plastic bomb and difficult to govern.
Vargas Llosa’s idea is also, of course, a writerly sort of realpolitik, a wish that a good novel—or story or poem—can literally remake history. When Luis Alberto Urrea began his epic novel, "The Hummingbird’ s Daughter," 20 years ago, the United States was in the first phase of a conservative backlash, the culture wars were gathering steam, and the left felt itself to be under a dark cloud. Two decades later, the situation seems even graver: the culture wars are more intense and the left feels under not a cloud but an anvil.
With the election of a new, deeply conservative pope, Urrea’s timing couldn’t be better: his main character, Teresita, is a saint as envisioned not in the marble reaches of the Vatican but in the populist pueblos of liberation theology, a Mexican saint of dust and blood, with lice in her hair and dirt under her fingernails. Poor, illegitimate, illiterate and despised, Teresita is the embodiment of the dictum that the last shall be first, and her ascension over the course of 500 pages is a myth that is also a charmingly written manifesto.
Urrea, who was born in Tijuana to an American mother and a Mexican father, is the author of 10 previous books of nonfiction, fiction and poetry; the best known of these are probably "The Devil’s Highway" and "Across the Wire," nonfiction accounts of hardscrabble lives on the Mexican-United States border. For "The Hummingbird’s Daughter," he reached back into his own family history, or what he calls "a family folk tale." Teresa Urrea, known in the novel as Teresita, was a distant relative and, as Urrea discovered, the subject of some earlier scholarship, an "influential" series of newspaper articles in the 1930’ s and at least one other novel. Urrea’s book re-imagines her story on a grand scale, as a mix of leftist hagiography, mystical bildungsroman and melancholic national anthem.
The half-Indian child of a wealthy Mexican landowner, Teresita, born in 1873 with a red triangle on her forehead, is also possessed of a supernatural gift for healing that becomes much stronger as she grows up, and stronger still after suffering a terrible assault that kills her. She rises from the dead and begins to perform miracles. The sick, the halt and the dying gather around her, and so do Mexican revolutionaries. "Everything the government does," Teresita preaches to them, "is morally wrong." This democratic groundswell inevitably results in a show-down with the Mexican authorities.
Teresita’s endurance—and survival—are literally and spiritually linked to the struggles of Mexico itself, a struggle that Urrea sees firmly from the bottom up. "God is a worker, like us," Huila, an aged curandera, instructs the young Teresita. "He made the world—he didn’t hire poor Indios to build it for him! God has worker’s hands. Just remember—angels carry no harps. Angels carry hammers."
What does the writer mean by saying "angels carry no harps. Angels carry hammers" Which of following is NOT true

A．This draws God closer to the workers and encourages them.
B．This is to inspire the young Teresita that she should believe in the workers and depend on them
C．This is a challenge to the orthodoxy ideas that true religion belongs to the upper class.
D．This is saying that God is hardworking and does not indulge in playing.

单项选择题

TEXT E
This is the weather Scobie loves. Lying in bed he touches his telescope lovingly, turning a wistful eye on the blank wall of rotting mud-bricks which shuts off his view of the sea.
Scobie is getting on for seventy and still afraid to die; his one fear is that he will awake one morning and find himself dead—Lieutenant-Commander Scobie, O. B. E. Consequently it gives him a seuere shock every morning when the water carriers shriek under his window before dawn, waking him up. For a moment, he says, he dares not open his eyes. Keeping them fast shut (for fear they might open on the heavenly host) ho gropes along the cake stand beside his bed and grabs his pipe. It is always loaded from the night before and an open matchbox stands beside it. The first whiff of tobacco restores both his composure and his eyesight. He breathes deeply, grateful for reassurance. He smiles. He gloats. Then, drawing the heavy sheepskin, which serves him as a bed-cover up to his ears, he sings a little triumphal song to the morning.
Taking stock of himself he discovers that ho has the inevitable headache: His tongue is raw from last night’s brandy. But against these trifling discomforts the prospect of another day in life weighs heavily. He pauses to slip in his false teeth.
He places his wrinkled fingers to his chest and is comforted by the sound of his heart at work. He is rather proud of his heart. If you ever visit him when he is in bed he is almost sure to grasp your hand in his and ask you to feel it. Swallowing a little, you shove your hand inside his cheap night-jacket to experience those sad, blunt, far-away bumps—like those of an unborn baby. He buttons up his pajamas with touching pride and gives his imitation roar of animal health— " Bounding from my bed like a lion" that is another of his phrases. You have not experienced the full charm of the man unless you have actually seen him, bent double with rheumatism, crawling out from between his coarse cotton sheets like a ruin. Only in the warmest months of the year do his bones thaw out sufficiently to enable him to stand erect. In the summer afternoons he walks in the park, his little head glowing like a minor sun, his jaw set in a violent expression of health.
His tiny nautical pension is hardly enough to pay for one cockroach-infested room; he ekes it out with an equally small salary from the Egyptian government, which carries with it the proud title of Bimbashi in the Police Force. Origins he has none. His past spreads over a dozen continents like a true subject of myth. And his presence is so rich with imaginary health that he needs nothing more except perhaps an occasional trip to Cairo during Ramadhan, when his office is closed and presumably all crime comes to a standstill because of the past.
Every morning Scobie______

A．refused to open his eyes until he had had his first cigarette.
B．according to himself, did not open his eyes in case he had died in the night.
C．denied that he opened his eyes until he was woken up.
D．could not see anything when the first noises in the street woke him.

单项选择题

TEXT D
An avid Bush supporter who already has 25 shopping malls to his name, Congel himself is not a man you would expect to entertain an eccentric clean-energy vision. The project—Destiny U.S.A., a mega-mall—first seized him in 2001, soon after 9/11—and after the project was under way—during a visit to the D-Day beaches in Normandy. "There I was looking at those pure white graves of tens of thousands of kids that died for freedom," Congel reflects, sitting on the veranda of his 6,000-acre farm just outside Syracuse, where he has imported Russian wild boar and other exotic game for hunting. "Today our kids are dying in a war for oil. Petroleum addiction is destroying our country, our economy, our environment."
Several months after returning from Normandy, Congel announced that not a drop of fossil fuel would be used in the making of Destiny. Almost overnight the mission of the project changed. It went from the mall that could save the depressed economy of Syracuse to the mall that could save America by establishing a new model for green commercial development. But will shoppers actually want to travel from far and wide to a little-known city’s eco-friendly mall And even with the green tax benefits, it is vastly more expensive to power Destiny with renewable sources than with conventional grid energy—so where’s the financial logic
Here’s where Congel’s schemes to create "monster profits" come in. Intel, Clear Channel, Cisco, Sony and Microsoft are among the brands that Destiny has recruited to supply its retail, entertainment, security and energy technologies. Many suppliers are planning to build local offices that will aid the Syracuse economy, and all have agreed to participate in the on-site development of new technologies that could be tested on the captive audience of mall-goers. (Congel will be a co-owner of the patents on all inventions.) A group of companies hopes to perfect a new wireless radio frequency identification technology to enable customers to purchase items instantly without waiting in line. The Department of Homeland Security and A.D.T., a home-security company, have discussed testing new devices that will track all visitors entering and leaving the mall.
From the passage we can see that the mall______

A．is based on a utopian thought of a utopian man.
B．will solely live on the great financial investment from the business giants.
C．is environmantally friendly and technologically advanced.
D．will not get profits in the author’s opinion.

单项选择题

TEXT A
Paula Jones’ case against Bill Clinton is now, for all possible political consequences and capacity for media sensation, a fairy routine lawsuit of its kind. It does, however, have enormous social significance. For those of us who care about sexual harassment, the matter of Jones v. Clinton is a great conundrum. Consider: if Jones, the former Arkansas state employee, proves her claims, then we must face the fact that we helped to elect someone—Bill Clinton—who has betrayed us on this vital issue. But if she is proved to be lying, then we must accept that we pushed onto the public agenda an issue that is venerable to manipulation by alleged victims. The skeptics will use Jones’ case to cast doubt on the whole cause.
Still, Ms Jones deserves the chance to prove her case; she has a right to pursue this claim and have the process work. It will be difficult: these kinds of cases usually are, and Ms. Jones’ task of suing a sitting president is harder than most.
She does have one thing sitting on her side: her case is in the courts. Sexual-harassment claims are really about violations of the alleged victims’ civil rights, and there is no better forum for determining and assessing those violations—and finding the truth—than federal court. The judicial system can put aside political to decide these complicated issues. That is a feat that neither the Senate Judicial nor ethics committees have been able to accomplish—witness the Clarence Thomas and Bob Packwood affairs. One lesson: the legal arena, not the political one, is the place to settle these sensitive problems.
Some have argued that the people (the "feminists") who rallied around me have failed to support Jones. Our situations, however, are quite different. In 1991 the country was in the middle of a public debate over whether Clarence Thomas should be confirmed to the Supreme Court. Throughout that summer, interest groups on both sides weighed in on his nomination. It was a public forum that invited a public conversation. But a pending civil action—even one against the president—does not generally invite that kind of public engagement.
Most of the public seems content to let the process move forward. And given the conundrum created by the claim, it is no wonder that many ("feminists" included) have been slow to jump into the Jones-Clinton flay. But people from all walks of life remain open to her suit. We don’t yet know which outcome we must confront: the president who betrayed the issue or the woman who used it. Whichever it is, we should continue to pursue sexual harassment with the same kind of energy and interest in eliminating the problem that we have in the past, regardless of who is the accused or the accuser. The statistics show that about 40 percent of women in the work force will encounter some form of harassment. We can’t afford to abandon this issue now.
According to the passage, the issue of sexual harassment must be dealt with seriously because______

A．the outcome is not known.
B．most of the public is not content.
C．many have been slow to jump into the Jones-Clinton fray.
D．as many as 40% of women in the work force will encounter it.

单项选择题

TEXT B
In his essay "The Parable of the Tapeworm," Mario Vargas Llosa argues that at the heart of the writer’s will to write is rebellion, a "rejection and criticism of life as it is." Moreover, he speculates, it is even possible that good literature may inspire actual acts of rebellion when the reader compares the better world of the book to the relative junk heap of real life. Whether or not this is universally true, it’s an attractive idea, and, in its way, a comforting one. Language is a lever that might move the enormous weight of the fickle, war-torn world we live in. It’s free, universal and highly portable: better than plastic bomb and difficult to govern.
Vargas Llosa’s idea is also, of course, a writerly sort of realpolitik, a wish that a good novel—or story or poem—can literally remake history. When Luis Alberto Urrea began his epic novel, "The Hummingbird’ s Daughter," 20 years ago, the United States was in the first phase of a conservative backlash, the culture wars were gathering steam, and the left felt itself to be under a dark cloud. Two decades later, the situation seems even graver: the culture wars are more intense and the left feels under not a cloud but an anvil.
With the election of a new, deeply conservative pope, Urrea’s timing couldn’t be better: his main character, Teresita, is a saint as envisioned not in the marble reaches of the Vatican but in the populist pueblos of liberation theology, a Mexican saint of dust and blood, with lice in her hair and dirt under her fingernails. Poor, illegitimate, illiterate and despised, Teresita is the embodiment of the dictum that the last shall be first, and her ascension over the course of 500 pages is a myth that is also a charmingly written manifesto.
Urrea, who was born in Tijuana to an American mother and a Mexican father, is the author of 10 previous books of nonfiction, fiction and poetry; the best known of these are probably "The Devil’s Highway" and "Across the Wire," nonfiction accounts of hardscrabble lives on the Mexican-United States border. For "The Hummingbird’s Daughter," he reached back into his own family history, or what he calls "a family folk tale." Teresa Urrea, known in the novel as Teresita, was a distant relative and, as Urrea discovered, the subject of some earlier scholarship, an "influential" series of newspaper articles in the 1930’ s and at least one other novel. Urrea’s book re-imagines her story on a grand scale, as a mix of leftist hagiography, mystical bildungsroman and melancholic national anthem.
The half-Indian child of a wealthy Mexican landowner, Teresita, born in 1873 with a red triangle on her forehead, is also possessed of a supernatural gift for healing that becomes much stronger as she grows up, and stronger still after suffering a terrible assault that kills her. She rises from the dead and begins to perform miracles. The sick, the halt and the dying gather around her, and so do Mexican revolutionaries. "Everything the government does," Teresita preaches to them, "is morally wrong." This democratic groundswell inevitably results in a show-down with the Mexican authorities.
Teresita’s endurance—and survival—are literally and spiritually linked to the struggles of Mexico itself, a struggle that Urrea sees firmly from the bottom up. "God is a worker, like us," Huila, an aged curandera, instructs the young Teresita. "He made the world—he didn’t hire poor Indios to build it for him! God has worker’s hands. Just remember—angels carry no harps. Angels carry hammers."
Which conclusion drawn from the passage is NOT true

A．The novel is about workers and for the workers.
B．The book is religious and uses religion to inspire readers.
C．The book is an inspiring and happy ode to personal struggle.
D．The book is focused on the lives and struggles of the Mexicans.

单项选择题

TEXT C
Goal Trimmer
Utopias are supposed to be dreams of the future. But the American Utopia Lately it’s a dream that was, a twilit memory of the Golden Age between V-$ day and OPEC, when even a blue-collar paycheck bought a place in the middle class. The promise of paradise regained has become a key to the Democratic Party pitch; Mickey Kaus, a senior editor of the New Republic, says the Democrats are wasting their time. As the U. S. enters a world where only the highly skilled and well educated will make a decent living, the gap between rich and poor is going to keep growing. No fiddling with the tax code, retreat to protectionism or job training for jobs that aren’t there is going to stop it. Income equality is a hopeless cause in the U. S. "Liberalism would be less depressing if it had a more attainable end" Kaus writes," a goal short of money equality." Liberal Democrats should embrace an aim he calls civic equality. If government can’ t bring everyone into the middle class, let it expand the areas of life in which everyone, regardless of income, receives the same treatment. National health care, improved public schools. universal national service and government financing of nearly all election campaigns, which would freeze out special-interest money—there are the unobjectionable components of his enlarged public sphere.
Kaus is right to fear the hardening of class lines, but wrong to think the stresses can be relieved without a continuing effort to boost income for the bottom half." No, we can’t tell them they’ll be rich," he admits." Or even comfortably well off. But we eau offer them at least material minimum and a good shot at climbing up, the ladder. And we can offer them respect." And what might they offer back The Bronx had a rude cheer for it. A good chunk of the Democratic core constituency would probably peel off. At the center of Kaus’ book is a thoughtful but no less risky proposal to dynamite welfare. He rightly understands how fear and loathing of the chronically unemployed underclass have encouraged middle income Americans to flee from everyone below them on the class gale. The only way to eliminate welfare dependency, Kaus maintains, is by cutting off checks for. all able-bodied recipients, including single mothers with children. He would have government provide them instead with jobs that pay slightly less than the minimum wage, earned-income tax credits to nudge them over the poverty line, drug counseling, job training and, if necessary, day care for their children. Kaus doesn’t sell this as social policy on the cheap. He expects it would cost up to $ 59 billion a year more than the $ 23 billion already spent annually on welfare in the U. S. And he knows it would be politically perilous, because he suggests paying for the plan by raiding Social Security funds and trimming benefits for upper-income retirees, Yet he considers if money well spent it would undo the knot of chronic poverty and help foster class rapprochement. And it would be too. But one advantage of being an author is that you only ask people to listen to you, not to vote for you.
The proposal as offered by Kaus______.

A．will increase the fear and loathing of the unemployed underclass by cutting off cbecks for all able-bodied recipients
B．will drastically increase the income taxes for taxpayers
C．is supposed to help establish reconciliation between the poor and the rich though the gap may be unbridgeable
D．is too costly to be carried out

单项选择题

TEXT E
This is the weather Scobie loves. Lying in bed he touches his telescope lovingly, turning a wistful eye on the blank wall of rotting mud-bricks which shuts off his view of the sea.
Scobie is getting on for seventy and still afraid to die; his one fear is that he will awake one morning and find himself dead—Lieutenant-Commander Scobie, O. B. E. Consequently it gives him a seuere shock every morning when the water carriers shriek under his window before dawn, waking him up. For a moment, he says, he dares not open his eyes. Keeping them fast shut (for fear they might open on the heavenly host) ho gropes along the cake stand beside his bed and grabs his pipe. It is always loaded from the night before and an open matchbox stands beside it. The first whiff of tobacco restores both his composure and his eyesight. He breathes deeply, grateful for reassurance. He smiles. He gloats. Then, drawing the heavy sheepskin, which serves him as a bed-cover up to his ears, he sings a little triumphal song to the morning.
Taking stock of himself he discovers that ho has the inevitable headache: His tongue is raw from last night’s brandy. But against these trifling discomforts the prospect of another day in life weighs heavily. He pauses to slip in his false teeth.
He places his wrinkled fingers to his chest and is comforted by the sound of his heart at work. He is rather proud of his heart. If you ever visit him when he is in bed he is almost sure to grasp your hand in his and ask you to feel it. Swallowing a little, you shove your hand inside his cheap night-jacket to experience those sad, blunt, far-away bumps—like those of an unborn baby. He buttons up his pajamas with touching pride and gives his imitation roar of animal health— " Bounding from my bed like a lion" that is another of his phrases. You have not experienced the full charm of the man unless you have actually seen him, bent double with rheumatism, crawling out from between his coarse cotton sheets like a ruin. Only in the warmest months of the year do his bones thaw out sufficiently to enable him to stand erect. In the summer afternoons he walks in the park, his little head glowing like a minor sun, his jaw set in a violent expression of health.
His tiny nautical pension is hardly enough to pay for one cockroach-infested room; he ekes it out with an equally small salary from the Egyptian government, which carries with it the proud title of Bimbashi in the Police Force. Origins he has none. His past spreads over a dozen continents like a true subject of myth. And his presence is so rich with imaginary health that he needs nothing more except perhaps an occasional trip to Cairo during Ramadhan, when his office is closed and presumably all crime comes to a standstill because of the past.
Scobie thoroughly enjoyed his present life and______.

A．told many exciting and tree stories about his past.
B．told many stories about his past that the author did not believe.
C．was the hero in stories told on many different continents.
D．refused to talk about his parents, his early life or his adventures.

单项选择题

TEXT A
Paula Jones’ case against Bill Clinton is now, for all possible political consequences and capacity for media sensation, a fairy routine lawsuit of its kind. It does, however, have enormous social significance. For those of us who care about sexual harassment, the matter of Jones v. Clinton is a great conundrum. Consider: if Jones, the former Arkansas state employee, proves her claims, then we must face the fact that we helped to elect someone—Bill Clinton—who has betrayed us on this vital issue. But if she is proved to be lying, then we must accept that we pushed onto the public agenda an issue that is venerable to manipulation by alleged victims. The skeptics will use Jones’ case to cast doubt on the whole cause.
Still, Ms Jones deserves the chance to prove her case; she has a right to pursue this claim and have the process work. It will be difficult: these kinds of cases usually are, and Ms. Jones’ task of suing a sitting president is harder than most.
She does have one thing sitting on her side: her case is in the courts. Sexual-harassment claims are really about violations of the alleged victims’ civil rights, and there is no better forum for determining and assessing those violations—and finding the truth—than federal court. The judicial system can put aside political to decide these complicated issues. That is a feat that neither the Senate Judicial nor ethics committees have been able to accomplish—witness the Clarence Thomas and Bob Packwood affairs. One lesson: the legal arena, not the political one, is the place to settle these sensitive problems.
Some have argued that the people (the "feminists") who rallied around me have failed to support Jones. Our situations, however, are quite different. In 1991 the country was in the middle of a public debate over whether Clarence Thomas should be confirmed to the Supreme Court. Throughout that summer, interest groups on both sides weighed in on his nomination. It was a public forum that invited a public conversation. But a pending civil action—even one against the president—does not generally invite that kind of public engagement.
Most of the public seems content to let the process move forward. And given the conundrum created by the claim, it is no wonder that many ("feminists" included) have been slow to jump into the Jones-Clinton flay. But people from all walks of life remain open to her suit. We don’t yet know which outcome we must confront: the president who betrayed the issue or the woman who used it. Whichever it is, we should continue to pursue sexual harassment with the same kind of energy and interest in eliminating the problem that we have in the past, regardless of who is the accused or the accuser. The statistics show that about 40 percent of women in the work force will encounter some form of harassment. We can’t afford to abandon this issue now.
According to the passage, sexual harassment is to______

A．violate politics.
B．violate the Supreme Court.
C．cast doubt on the whole issue.
D．violate civil rights.

单项选择题

TEXT C
Goal Trimmer
Utopias are supposed to be dreams of the future. But the American Utopia Lately it’s a dream that was, a twilit memory of the Golden Age between V-$ day and OPEC, when even a blue-collar paycheck bought a place in the middle class. The promise of paradise regained has become a key to the Democratic Party pitch; Mickey Kaus, a senior editor of the New Republic, says the Democrats are wasting their time. As the U. S. enters a world where only the highly skilled and well educated will make a decent living, the gap between rich and poor is going to keep growing. No fiddling with the tax code, retreat to protectionism or job training for jobs that aren’t there is going to stop it. Income equality is a hopeless cause in the U. S. "Liberalism would be less depressing if it had a more attainable end" Kaus writes," a goal short of money equality." Liberal Democrats should embrace an aim he calls civic equality. If government can’ t bring everyone into the middle class, let it expand the areas of life in which everyone, regardless of income, receives the same treatment. National health care, improved public schools. universal national service and government financing of nearly all election campaigns, which would freeze out special-interest money—there are the unobjectionable components of his enlarged public sphere.
Kaus is right to fear the hardening of class lines, but wrong to think the stresses can be relieved without a continuing effort to boost income for the bottom half." No, we can’t tell them they’ll be rich," he admits." Or even comfortably well off. But we eau offer them at least material minimum and a good shot at climbing up, the ladder. And we can offer them respect." And what might they offer back The Bronx had a rude cheer for it. A good chunk of the Democratic core constituency would probably peel off. At the center of Kaus’ book is a thoughtful but no less risky proposal to dynamite welfare. He rightly understands how fear and loathing of the chronically unemployed underclass have encouraged middle income Americans to flee from everyone below them on the class gale. The only way to eliminate welfare dependency, Kaus maintains, is by cutting off checks for. all able-bodied recipients, including single mothers with children. He would have government provide them instead with jobs that pay slightly less than the minimum wage, earned-income tax credits to nudge them over the poverty line, drug counseling, job training and, if necessary, day care for their children. Kaus doesn’t sell this as social policy on the cheap. He expects it would cost up to $ 59 billion a year more than the $ 23 billion already spent annually on welfare in the U. S. And he knows it would be politically perilous, because he suggests paying for the plan by raiding Social Security funds and trimming benefits for upper-income retirees, Yet he considers if money well spent it would undo the knot of chronic poverty and help foster class rapprochement. And it would be too. But one advantage of being an author is that you only ask people to listen to you, not to vote for you.
The title of the review suggests______.

A．giving the poor more financial aid and more job opportunities
B．a fundamental change in the goal which the Democratic Party uses to appeal to Americans
C．the elimination of the unfair distribution of social wealth among Americans
D．a modification of the objective to make it more easy to realize

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