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For America’s colleges, January is a month of reckoning. Most applications for the next academic year beginning in the autumn have to be made by the end of December, so a university’s popularity is put to an objective standard, how many people want to attend. One of the more unlikely offices to have been flooded with mail is that of the City University of New York (CUNY), a public college that lacks, among other things, a famous sports team, bucolic campuses and raucous parties (it doesn’t even have dorms), and, until recently, academic credibility.
A primary draw at CUNY is a programme for particularly clever students, launched in 2001. Some 1,100 of the 60,000 students at CUNY’s five top schools receive a rare thing in the costly world of American colleges, free education. Those accepted by CUNY’s honours programme pay no tuition fees; instead they receive a stipend of $ 7,500 (to help with general expenses) and a laptop computer. Applications for early admissions into next year’s programme are up 70%.
Admission has nothing to do with being an athlete, or a child of an alumnus, or having an influential sponsor, or being a member of a particularly aggrieved ethnic group—criteria that are increasingly important at America’s elite colleges. Most of the students who apply to the honours programme come from relatively poor families, many of them immigrant ones. All that CUNY demands is that these students be diligent and clever.
Last year, the average standardized test score of this group was in the top 7% in the country. Among the rest of CUNY’s students averages are lower, but they are now just breaking into the top third (compared with the bottom third in 1997). CUNY does not appear alongside Harvard and Stanford on lists of America’s top colleges, but its recent transformation offers a neat parable of meritocracy revisited.
Until the 1960s, a good case could be made that the best deal in American tertiary education was to be found not in Cambridge or Palo Alto, but in Harlem, at a small public school called City College, the core of CUNY. America’s first free municipal university, founded in 1847, offered its services to everyone bright enough to meet its gruelling standards.
City’s golden era came in the last century, when America’s best known colleges restricted the number of Jewish students they would admit at exactly the time when New York was teeming with the bright children of poor Jewish immigrants. In 1933—1954 City produced nine future Nobel laureates.
But in the second half of the last century, CUNY once lost its glamour.
What went wrong Put simply, City dropped its standards. It was partly to do with demography, partly to do with earnest muddleheadedness. In the 1960s, universities across the country faced intense pressure to admit more minority students. Although City was open to all races, only a small number of black and Hispanic students passed the strict. That, critics decided, could not be squared with City’s mission to "serve all the citizens of New York". At first the standards were tweaked, but this was not enough, and in 1969 massive student protests shut down City’s campus for two weeks. Faced with upheaval, City scrapped its admissions standards altogether. By 1970, almost any student who graduated from New York’s high schools could attend.
The quality of education collapsed. At first, with no barrier to entry, enrolment climbed, but in 1976 the city of New York, which was then in effect bankrupt, forced CUNY to impose tuition fees. An era of free education was over, and a university which had once served such a distinct purpose joined the muddle of America’s lower-end education.
By 1997, seven out of ten first-year students in the CUNY system were failing at least one remedial test in reading, writing or maths (meaning that they had not learnt it to high- school standard). A report commissioned by the city in 1999 concluded that "central to CUNY’s historic mission is a commitment to provide broad access, but its students’ high drop-out rates and low graduation rates raise the question: ’Access to what’".
Using the report as ammunition, profound reforms were pushed through by New York’s then mayor, Rudolph Giuliani, and another alumnus, Herman Badillo (1951), America’s first Puerto Rican congressman. A new head of CUNY was appointed. Matthew Goldstein, a mathematician (1963), has shifted the focus back towards higher standards amid considerable controversy.
For instance, by 2001, all of CUNY’s 11 "senior" colleges (i.e., ones that offer full four-year courses) had stopped offering remedial education.
Admissions standards have been raised. Students applying to CUNY’s senior colleges now need respectable scores on either a national, state or CUNY test, and the admissions criteria for the honours programme are the toughest in the university’s history. Contrary to what Mr. Goldstein’s critics predicted, higher standards have attracted more students, not fewer: this year, enrolment at CUNY is at a record high. There are also anecdotal signs that CUNY is once again picking up bright locals, especially in science.
Why does the author say that the office of CUNY is the "most unlikely offices to have been flooded with mails of application" What makes CUNY so popular this year

答案: Normally applicants of universities would choose those unive...
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Some decades ago, the powers declared that employee diversity was a good thing, as desirable as double-digit profit margins. It’s proving just as difficult to achieve. Companies try all sorts of things to attract and promote minorities and women. They hire organizational psychologists. They staff booths at diversity fairs. They host dim-sum brunches and salsa nights. The most popular—and expensive—approach is diversity training, or workshops to teach executives to embrace the benefits of a diverse staff. Too bad it doesn’t work.
A groundbreaking new study by three sociologists shows that diversity training has little to no effect on the racial and gender mix of a company’s top ranks. Frank Dobbin of Harvard, Alexandra Kalev of the University of California, Berkeley, and Erin Kelly of the University of Minnesota sifted through decades of federal employment statistics provided by companies. Their analysis found no real change in the number of women and minority managers after companies began diversity training. That’s right—none. Networking didn’t do much, either. Mentorships did. Among the least common tactics, one—assigning a diversity point person or task force—has the best record of success. "Companies have spent millions of dollars a year on these programs without actually knowing, Are these efforts worth it" Dobbin says. "In the case of diversity training, the answer is no."
The law is one reason that employers favor diversity training. In the wake of whopping settlements in race-discrimination suits against large companies, including Texaco and Coca- Cola, over the past decade, employers believe that having a program in place can show a judge that they are sincerely fighting prejudice. But this too is a myth, says Dobbin. "I don’t know of a single case where courts gave credit for diversity training.”
Social psychologists have many theories to explain why diversity training doesn’t work as intended. Studies show that any training generates a backlash and that mandatory diversity training in particular may even activate a bias. Researchers also see evidence of "irresistible stereotypes", or biases so deeply ingrained that they simply can’t be taught away in a one-day workshop.
Consultants on diversity insist that the training they give has value. R. Roosevelt Thomas, founder of the American Institute for Managing Diversity, says corporate America must first redefine the word. "Diversity means differences and similarities," he says, be they in race, gender or corporate culture. He teaches executives to focus on skills and not familiarity. "In a foxhole, I want someone who can shoot," he says. "I don’t care where they’re from. Some folks have to be reminded of that."
So what does work The study’s findings in this area were striking too.. at companies that assigned a person or committee to oversee diversity, ensuring direct accountability for results, the number of minorities and women climbed 10% in the years following the appointment. Mentorships worked too, particularly for black women, increasing their numbers in management 23.5 %. Most effective is the combination of all these strategies, says Dobbin.
In practice, companies find that a multipronged approach leads to results. General Electric initiated an aggressive diversity strategy under former CEO Jack Welch that included employee networks, regular planning forums, formal mentoring, and recruiting at colleges popular with minorities. Perhaps most significantly, GE appointed a chief diversity officer, Deborah Elam. In 2000, women, minorities and non-U.S. citizens made up 22% of GE’s officers and 29% of senior executives. By 2005, their ranks swelled to 34% among officers and 40% of senior execs. "Training just to train is not enough," says Elam. "You’ve got to have accountability at the top." Accountability for the careers of women and minorities requires a substantial commitment of time, staff and money—but so does diversity training. And only one works.
What is "employee diversity" How do companies try to achieve it

答案: "Employee diversity" is generally believed to be higher prop...
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Last month the U.S. Army, bumped favored defense contractor L-3 Communications from a $ 4.6 billion contract to provide translators and interpreters in Iraq. A new venture called Global Linguistic Solutions (GLS), headed by retired Army Major General James (Spider) Marks and primarily formed to bid on the contract, landed the job. The surprise caused L-3 shares to fall nearly 6%; the company lowered its sales forecast this year by $ 500 million.
Winning the contract may be the easy part for GLS. Luring interpreters to Iraq is another story. Job listings posted on L-3’s website read like something out of a Tom Clancy thriller. Wanted. "Arabic Linguist… Ability to deal unobtrusively with the local populace… Must be able to live in a harsh environment." The pay isn’t mentioned, but L-3 recently offered interpreters more than $175,000 annually to work in Iraq. Linguists usually don’t carry weapons and are often called on to participate in raids and other combat-related tasks. Casualty reports show that L-3’s Titan Corp, the major contractor supplying interpreters to the U.S. military, had 216 employees killed in Iraq—nearly 100 more fatalities than the entire British army stationed there.
Danger is just one way that the linguistics industry—interpreters who relay live chat and translators who process documents—has changed dramatically. More benignly, the Web and the global economy have led to 7.5% annual growth in the market, now pegged as a $ 9.4 billion business, according to research group Common Sense Advisory. While much of that is due to the military, there has been renewed growth elsewhere. "Firms from Starbucks to McDonald’s now have to communicate and market to customers in dozens of different languages," says Common Sense Advisory president Don DePalma.
The boom in translation jobs comes because of—and despite—technology. DePalma says there has been real acceleration in demand tied to software, since Microsoft’s new Vista operating system, updated versions of Mac and various other electronic devices have to conform to European standards. That requires local language to be used in everything from instruction manuals to safety standards. Add the growing use of bilingual signage aimed at Hispanics, multilingual U.S. court requirements and hospital needs, and over the next eight years, full-time linguistics employment is expected to jump more than 25%, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Computers are certainly doing some of the work. Companies like eBay, GM and Motorola have all used software from Massachusetts firm Idiom Technologies to help power their efforts in localization, as language targeting is sometimes called. Still, it often takes a real brain to differentiate terms in context: the word trunk can refer to a suitcase, a car hatch or an elephant’s snout, for example.
The biggest player in translation services last year was publicly held Lionbridge, employing 4,000 full-time staff members and 10,000 freelancers in 25 countries, with a current market cap of $350 million. Lionbridge, based in Massachusetts, translates technology for mobile-phone companies and clients such as McDonald’s, Google and Yahoo! "Computer code is code," says Lionbridge chief marketing officer Kevin Bolen. "But certain things such as metrics, time stamps and characters have to be re-engineered and hard-encoded into the software to display Japanese kanji, for instance."
Lionhridge and its competitors recruit at universities and industry websites such as linguistlist, org with specialists of all stripes in demand, from automotive experts to those with a knack for medical jargon. "India has about a dozen dialects needed to capture a substantial customer base," says Bolen, "so for Nokia we re translating applications and phones and instructions in nine different ways."
Thanks to the Web, new companies become global from the get-go rather than at a later phase, Bolen explains. And localization companies don’t just deal in words but also the look, feel and design of text images. "We ask if buttons and keys scale to match the size of the text," he says, noting German characters are 30% longer than those in English, while those in Japanese are 30% shorter.
Although English is the language of business, there is essential need for translators who understand Farsi, Urdu, Bahasa Indonesian, Tamil and Arabic. It goes back to what Friedrich Nietzsche once wrote: "There are no facts, only interpretations."
Why did the shares of L-3 fall nearly 6% last month

答案: Last month, the U.S. Army’s $ 4.6 billion contract to provid...
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For America’s colleges, January is a month of reckoning. Most applications for the next academic year beginning in the autumn have to be made by the end of December, so a university’s popularity is put to an objective standard, how many people want to attend. One of the more unlikely offices to have been flooded with mail is that of the City University of New York (CUNY), a public college that lacks, among other things, a famous sports team, bucolic campuses and raucous parties (it doesn’t even have dorms), and, until recently, academic credibility.
A primary draw at CUNY is a programme for particularly clever students, launched in 2001. Some 1,100 of the 60,000 students at CUNY’s five top schools receive a rare thing in the costly world of American colleges, free education. Those accepted by CUNY’s honours programme pay no tuition fees; instead they receive a stipend of $ 7,500 (to help with general expenses) and a laptop computer. Applications for early admissions into next year’s programme are up 70%.
Admission has nothing to do with being an athlete, or a child of an alumnus, or having an influential sponsor, or being a member of a particularly aggrieved ethnic group—criteria that are increasingly important at America’s elite colleges. Most of the students who apply to the honours programme come from relatively poor families, many of them immigrant ones. All that CUNY demands is that these students be diligent and clever.
Last year, the average standardized test score of this group was in the top 7% in the country. Among the rest of CUNY’s students averages are lower, but they are now just breaking into the top third (compared with the bottom third in 1997). CUNY does not appear alongside Harvard and Stanford on lists of America’s top colleges, but its recent transformation offers a neat parable of meritocracy revisited.
Until the 1960s, a good case could be made that the best deal in American tertiary education was to be found not in Cambridge or Palo Alto, but in Harlem, at a small public school called City College, the core of CUNY. America’s first free municipal university, founded in 1847, offered its services to everyone bright enough to meet its gruelling standards.
City’s golden era came in the last century, when America’s best known colleges restricted the number of Jewish students they would admit at exactly the time when New York was teeming with the bright children of poor Jewish immigrants. In 1933—1954 City produced nine future Nobel laureates.
But in the second half of the last century, CUNY once lost its glamour.
What went wrong Put simply, City dropped its standards. It was partly to do with demography, partly to do with earnest muddleheadedness. In the 1960s, universities across the country faced intense pressure to admit more minority students. Although City was open to all races, only a small number of black and Hispanic students passed the strict. That, critics decided, could not be squared with City’s mission to "serve all the citizens of New York". At first the standards were tweaked, but this was not enough, and in 1969 massive student protests shut down City’s campus for two weeks. Faced with upheaval, City scrapped its admissions standards altogether. By 1970, almost any student who graduated from New York’s high schools could attend.
The quality of education collapsed. At first, with no barrier to entry, enrolment climbed, but in 1976 the city of New York, which was then in effect bankrupt, forced CUNY to impose tuition fees. An era of free education was over, and a university which had once served such a distinct purpose joined the muddle of America’s lower-end education.
By 1997, seven out of ten first-year students in the CUNY system were failing at least one remedial test in reading, writing or maths (meaning that they had not learnt it to high- school standard). A report commissioned by the city in 1999 concluded that "central to CUNY’s historic mission is a commitment to provide broad access, but its students’ high drop-out rates and low graduation rates raise the question: ’Access to what’".
Using the report as ammunition, profound reforms were pushed through by New York’s then mayor, Rudolph Giuliani, and another alumnus, Herman Badillo (1951), America’s first Puerto Rican congressman. A new head of CUNY was appointed. Matthew Goldstein, a mathematician (1963), has shifted the focus back towards higher standards amid considerable controversy.
For instance, by 2001, all of CUNY’s 11 "senior" colleges (i.e., ones that offer full four-year courses) had stopped offering remedial education.
Admissions standards have been raised. Students applying to CUNY’s senior colleges now need respectable scores on either a national, state or CUNY test, and the admissions criteria for the honours programme are the toughest in the university’s history. Contrary to what Mr. Goldstein’s critics predicted, higher standards have attracted more students, not fewer: this year, enrolment at CUNY is at a record high. There are also anecdotal signs that CUNY is once again picking up bright locals, especially in science.
Why does the author say that the office of CUNY is the "most unlikely offices to have been flooded with mails of application" What makes CUNY so popular this year

答案: Normally applicants of universities would choose those unive...
问答题


Some decades ago, the powers declared that employee diversity was a good thing, as desirable as double-digit profit margins. It’s proving just as difficult to achieve. Companies try all sorts of things to attract and promote minorities and women. They hire organizational psychologists. They staff booths at diversity fairs. They host dim-sum brunches and salsa nights. The most popular—and expensive—approach is diversity training, or workshops to teach executives to embrace the benefits of a diverse staff. Too bad it doesn’t work.
A groundbreaking new study by three sociologists shows that diversity training has little to no effect on the racial and gender mix of a company’s top ranks. Frank Dobbin of Harvard, Alexandra Kalev of the University of California, Berkeley, and Erin Kelly of the University of Minnesota sifted through decades of federal employment statistics provided by companies. Their analysis found no real change in the number of women and minority managers after companies began diversity training. That’s right—none. Networking didn’t do much, either. Mentorships did. Among the least common tactics, one—assigning a diversity point person or task force—has the best record of success. "Companies have spent millions of dollars a year on these programs without actually knowing, Are these efforts worth it" Dobbin says. "In the case of diversity training, the answer is no."
The law is one reason that employers favor diversity training. In the wake of whopping settlements in race-discrimination suits against large companies, including Texaco and Coca- Cola, over the past decade, employers believe that having a program in place can show a judge that they are sincerely fighting prejudice. But this too is a myth, says Dobbin. "I don’t know of a single case where courts gave credit for diversity training.”
Social psychologists have many theories to explain why diversity training doesn’t work as intended. Studies show that any training generates a backlash and that mandatory diversity training in particular may even activate a bias. Researchers also see evidence of "irresistible stereotypes", or biases so deeply ingrained that they simply can’t be taught away in a one-day workshop.
Consultants on diversity insist that the training they give has value. R. Roosevelt Thomas, founder of the American Institute for Managing Diversity, says corporate America must first redefine the word. "Diversity means differences and similarities," he says, be they in race, gender or corporate culture. He teaches executives to focus on skills and not familiarity. "In a foxhole, I want someone who can shoot," he says. "I don’t care where they’re from. Some folks have to be reminded of that."
So what does work The study’s findings in this area were striking too.. at companies that assigned a person or committee to oversee diversity, ensuring direct accountability for results, the number of minorities and women climbed 10% in the years following the appointment. Mentorships worked too, particularly for black women, increasing their numbers in management 23.5 %. Most effective is the combination of all these strategies, says Dobbin.
In practice, companies find that a multipronged approach leads to results. General Electric initiated an aggressive diversity strategy under former CEO Jack Welch that included employee networks, regular planning forums, formal mentoring, and recruiting at colleges popular with minorities. Perhaps most significantly, GE appointed a chief diversity officer, Deborah Elam. In 2000, women, minorities and non-U.S. citizens made up 22% of GE’s officers and 29% of senior executives. By 2005, their ranks swelled to 34% among officers and 40% of senior execs. "Training just to train is not enough," says Elam. "You’ve got to have accountability at the top." Accountability for the careers of women and minorities requires a substantial commitment of time, staff and money—but so does diversity training. And only one works.
Please paraphrase the sentence "In a foxhole, I want someone who can shoot… I don’t care where they’re from". (para. 5)

答案: The sentence means that, to fill a position in a company, th...
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Last month the U.S. Army, bumped favored defense contractor L-3 Communications from a $ 4.6 billion contract to provide translators and interpreters in Iraq. A new venture called Global Linguistic Solutions (GLS), headed by retired Army Major General James (Spider) Marks and primarily formed to bid on the contract, landed the job. The surprise caused L-3 shares to fall nearly 6%; the company lowered its sales forecast this year by $ 500 million.
Winning the contract may be the easy part for GLS. Luring interpreters to Iraq is another story. Job listings posted on L-3’s website read like something out of a Tom Clancy thriller. Wanted. "Arabic Linguist… Ability to deal unobtrusively with the local populace… Must be able to live in a harsh environment." The pay isn’t mentioned, but L-3 recently offered interpreters more than $175,000 annually to work in Iraq. Linguists usually don’t carry weapons and are often called on to participate in raids and other combat-related tasks. Casualty reports show that L-3’s Titan Corp, the major contractor supplying interpreters to the U.S. military, had 216 employees killed in Iraq—nearly 100 more fatalities than the entire British army stationed there.
Danger is just one way that the linguistics industry—interpreters who relay live chat and translators who process documents—has changed dramatically. More benignly, the Web and the global economy have led to 7.5% annual growth in the market, now pegged as a $ 9.4 billion business, according to research group Common Sense Advisory. While much of that is due to the military, there has been renewed growth elsewhere. "Firms from Starbucks to McDonald’s now have to communicate and market to customers in dozens of different languages," says Common Sense Advisory president Don DePalma.
The boom in translation jobs comes because of—and despite—technology. DePalma says there has been real acceleration in demand tied to software, since Microsoft’s new Vista operating system, updated versions of Mac and various other electronic devices have to conform to European standards. That requires local language to be used in everything from instruction manuals to safety standards. Add the growing use of bilingual signage aimed at Hispanics, multilingual U.S. court requirements and hospital needs, and over the next eight years, full-time linguistics employment is expected to jump more than 25%, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Computers are certainly doing some of the work. Companies like eBay, GM and Motorola have all used software from Massachusetts firm Idiom Technologies to help power their efforts in localization, as language targeting is sometimes called. Still, it often takes a real brain to differentiate terms in context: the word trunk can refer to a suitcase, a car hatch or an elephant’s snout, for example.
The biggest player in translation services last year was publicly held Lionbridge, employing 4,000 full-time staff members and 10,000 freelancers in 25 countries, with a current market cap of $350 million. Lionbridge, based in Massachusetts, translates technology for mobile-phone companies and clients such as McDonald’s, Google and Yahoo! "Computer code is code," says Lionbridge chief marketing officer Kevin Bolen. "But certain things such as metrics, time stamps and characters have to be re-engineered and hard-encoded into the software to display Japanese kanji, for instance."
Lionhridge and its competitors recruit at universities and industry websites such as linguistlist, org with specialists of all stripes in demand, from automotive experts to those with a knack for medical jargon. "India has about a dozen dialects needed to capture a substantial customer base," says Bolen, "so for Nokia we re translating applications and phones and instructions in nine different ways."
Thanks to the Web, new companies become global from the get-go rather than at a later phase, Bolen explains. And localization companies don’t just deal in words but also the look, feel and design of text images. "We ask if buttons and keys scale to match the size of the text," he says, noting German characters are 30% longer than those in English, while those in Japanese are 30% shorter.
Although English is the language of business, there is essential need for translators who understand Farsi, Urdu, Bahasa Indonesian, Tamil and Arabic. It goes back to what Friedrich Nietzsche once wrote: "There are no facts, only interpretations."
How fast is the linguistics industry growing Why is it growing so fast

答案: The linguistic industry enjoys a 7.5% annual growth, and the...
问答题

For America’s colleges, January is a month of reckoning. Most applications for the next academic year beginning in the autumn have to be made by the end of December, so a university’s popularity is put to an objective standard, how many people want to attend. One of the more unlikely offices to have been flooded with mail is that of the City University of New York (CUNY), a public college that lacks, among other things, a famous sports team, bucolic campuses and raucous parties (it doesn’t even have dorms), and, until recently, academic credibility.
A primary draw at CUNY is a programme for particularly clever students, launched in 2001. Some 1,100 of the 60,000 students at CUNY’s five top schools receive a rare thing in the costly world of American colleges, free education. Those accepted by CUNY’s honours programme pay no tuition fees; instead they receive a stipend of $ 7,500 (to help with general expenses) and a laptop computer. Applications for early admissions into next year’s programme are up 70%.
Admission has nothing to do with being an athlete, or a child of an alumnus, or having an influential sponsor, or being a member of a particularly aggrieved ethnic group—criteria that are increasingly important at America’s elite colleges. Most of the students who apply to the honours programme come from relatively poor families, many of them immigrant ones. All that CUNY demands is that these students be diligent and clever.
Last year, the average standardized test score of this group was in the top 7% in the country. Among the rest of CUNY’s students averages are lower, but they are now just breaking into the top third (compared with the bottom third in 1997). CUNY does not appear alongside Harvard and Stanford on lists of America’s top colleges, but its recent transformation offers a neat parable of meritocracy revisited.
Until the 1960s, a good case could be made that the best deal in American tertiary education was to be found not in Cambridge or Palo Alto, but in Harlem, at a small public school called City College, the core of CUNY. America’s first free municipal university, founded in 1847, offered its services to everyone bright enough to meet its gruelling standards.
City’s golden era came in the last century, when America’s best known colleges restricted the number of Jewish students they would admit at exactly the time when New York was teeming with the bright children of poor Jewish immigrants. In 1933—1954 City produced nine future Nobel laureates.
But in the second half of the last century, CUNY once lost its glamour.
What went wrong Put simply, City dropped its standards. It was partly to do with demography, partly to do with earnest muddleheadedness. In the 1960s, universities across the country faced intense pressure to admit more minority students. Although City was open to all races, only a small number of black and Hispanic students passed the strict. That, critics decided, could not be squared with City’s mission to "serve all the citizens of New York". At first the standards were tweaked, but this was not enough, and in 1969 massive student protests shut down City’s campus for two weeks. Faced with upheaval, City scrapped its admissions standards altogether. By 1970, almost any student who graduated from New York’s high schools could attend.
The quality of education collapsed. At first, with no barrier to entry, enrolment climbed, but in 1976 the city of New York, which was then in effect bankrupt, forced CUNY to impose tuition fees. An era of free education was over, and a university which had once served such a distinct purpose joined the muddle of America’s lower-end education.
By 1997, seven out of ten first-year students in the CUNY system were failing at least one remedial test in reading, writing or maths (meaning that they had not learnt it to high- school standard). A report commissioned by the city in 1999 concluded that "central to CUNY’s historic mission is a commitment to provide broad access, but its students’ high drop-out rates and low graduation rates raise the question: ’Access to what’".
Using the report as ammunition, profound reforms were pushed through by New York’s then mayor, Rudolph Giuliani, and another alumnus, Herman Badillo (1951), America’s first Puerto Rican congressman. A new head of CUNY was appointed. Matthew Goldstein, a mathematician (1963), has shifted the focus back towards higher standards amid considerable controversy.
For instance, by 2001, all of CUNY’s 11 "senior" colleges (i.e., ones that offer full four-year courses) had stopped offering remedial education.
Admissions standards have been raised. Students applying to CUNY’s senior colleges now need respectable scores on either a national, state or CUNY test, and the admissions criteria for the honours programme are the toughest in the university’s history. Contrary to what Mr. Goldstein’s critics predicted, higher standards have attracted more students, not fewer: this year, enrolment at CUNY is at a record high. There are also anecdotal signs that CUNY is once again picking up bright locals, especially in science.
How is CUNY different from other elite colleges in criteria of admission to its honours programme

答案: America’s elite colleges’ admission to honours programme is ...
问答题


Some decades ago, the powers declared that employee diversity was a good thing, as desirable as double-digit profit margins. It’s proving just as difficult to achieve. Companies try all sorts of things to attract and promote minorities and women. They hire organizational psychologists. They staff booths at diversity fairs. They host dim-sum brunches and salsa nights. The most popular—and expensive—approach is diversity training, or workshops to teach executives to embrace the benefits of a diverse staff. Too bad it doesn’t work.
A groundbreaking new study by three sociologists shows that diversity training has little to no effect on the racial and gender mix of a company’s top ranks. Frank Dobbin of Harvard, Alexandra Kalev of the University of California, Berkeley, and Erin Kelly of the University of Minnesota sifted through decades of federal employment statistics provided by companies. Their analysis found no real change in the number of women and minority managers after companies began diversity training. That’s right—none. Networking didn’t do much, either. Mentorships did. Among the least common tactics, one—assigning a diversity point person or task force—has the best record of success. "Companies have spent millions of dollars a year on these programs without actually knowing, Are these efforts worth it" Dobbin says. "In the case of diversity training, the answer is no."
The law is one reason that employers favor diversity training. In the wake of whopping settlements in race-discrimination suits against large companies, including Texaco and Coca- Cola, over the past decade, employers believe that having a program in place can show a judge that they are sincerely fighting prejudice. But this too is a myth, says Dobbin. "I don’t know of a single case where courts gave credit for diversity training.”
Social psychologists have many theories to explain why diversity training doesn’t work as intended. Studies show that any training generates a backlash and that mandatory diversity training in particular may even activate a bias. Researchers also see evidence of "irresistible stereotypes", or biases so deeply ingrained that they simply can’t be taught away in a one-day workshop.
Consultants on diversity insist that the training they give has value. R. Roosevelt Thomas, founder of the American Institute for Managing Diversity, says corporate America must first redefine the word. "Diversity means differences and similarities," he says, be they in race, gender or corporate culture. He teaches executives to focus on skills and not familiarity. "In a foxhole, I want someone who can shoot," he says. "I don’t care where they’re from. Some folks have to be reminded of that."
So what does work The study’s findings in this area were striking too.. at companies that assigned a person or committee to oversee diversity, ensuring direct accountability for results, the number of minorities and women climbed 10% in the years following the appointment. Mentorships worked too, particularly for black women, increasing their numbers in management 23.5 %. Most effective is the combination of all these strategies, says Dobbin.
In practice, companies find that a multipronged approach leads to results. General Electric initiated an aggressive diversity strategy under former CEO Jack Welch that included employee networks, regular planning forums, formal mentoring, and recruiting at colleges popular with minorities. Perhaps most significantly, GE appointed a chief diversity officer, Deborah Elam. In 2000, women, minorities and non-U.S. citizens made up 22% of GE’s officers and 29% of senior executives. By 2005, their ranks swelled to 34% among officers and 40% of senior execs. "Training just to train is not enough," says Elam. "You’ve got to have accountability at the top." Accountability for the careers of women and minorities requires a substantial commitment of time, staff and money—but so does diversity training. And only one works.
Give a brief introduction to GE’s success on employee diversity.

答案: The key to GE’s success on employee diversity is the assignm...
问答题

Last month the U.S. Army, bumped favored defense contractor L-3 Communications from a $ 4.6 billion contract to provide translators and interpreters in Iraq. A new venture called Global Linguistic Solutions (GLS), headed by retired Army Major General James (Spider) Marks and primarily formed to bid on the contract, landed the job. The surprise caused L-3 shares to fall nearly 6%; the company lowered its sales forecast this year by $ 500 million.
Winning the contract may be the easy part for GLS. Luring interpreters to Iraq is another story. Job listings posted on L-3’s website read like something out of a Tom Clancy thriller. Wanted. "Arabic Linguist… Ability to deal unobtrusively with the local populace… Must be able to live in a harsh environment." The pay isn’t mentioned, but L-3 recently offered interpreters more than $175,000 annually to work in Iraq. Linguists usually don’t carry weapons and are often called on to participate in raids and other combat-related tasks. Casualty reports show that L-3’s Titan Corp, the major contractor supplying interpreters to the U.S. military, had 216 employees killed in Iraq—nearly 100 more fatalities than the entire British army stationed there.
Danger is just one way that the linguistics industry—interpreters who relay live chat and translators who process documents—has changed dramatically. More benignly, the Web and the global economy have led to 7.5% annual growth in the market, now pegged as a $ 9.4 billion business, according to research group Common Sense Advisory. While much of that is due to the military, there has been renewed growth elsewhere. "Firms from Starbucks to McDonald’s now have to communicate and market to customers in dozens of different languages," says Common Sense Advisory president Don DePalma.
The boom in translation jobs comes because of—and despite—technology. DePalma says there has been real acceleration in demand tied to software, since Microsoft’s new Vista operating system, updated versions of Mac and various other electronic devices have to conform to European standards. That requires local language to be used in everything from instruction manuals to safety standards. Add the growing use of bilingual signage aimed at Hispanics, multilingual U.S. court requirements and hospital needs, and over the next eight years, full-time linguistics employment is expected to jump more than 25%, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Computers are certainly doing some of the work. Companies like eBay, GM and Motorola have all used software from Massachusetts firm Idiom Technologies to help power their efforts in localization, as language targeting is sometimes called. Still, it often takes a real brain to differentiate terms in context: the word trunk can refer to a suitcase, a car hatch or an elephant’s snout, for example.
The biggest player in translation services last year was publicly held Lionbridge, employing 4,000 full-time staff members and 10,000 freelancers in 25 countries, with a current market cap of $350 million. Lionbridge, based in Massachusetts, translates technology for mobile-phone companies and clients such as McDonald’s, Google and Yahoo! "Computer code is code," says Lionbridge chief marketing officer Kevin Bolen. "But certain things such as metrics, time stamps and characters have to be re-engineered and hard-encoded into the software to display Japanese kanji, for instance."
Lionhridge and its competitors recruit at universities and industry websites such as linguistlist, org with specialists of all stripes in demand, from automotive experts to those with a knack for medical jargon. "India has about a dozen dialects needed to capture a substantial customer base," says Bolen, "so for Nokia we re translating applications and phones and instructions in nine different ways."
Thanks to the Web, new companies become global from the get-go rather than at a later phase, Bolen explains. And localization companies don’t just deal in words but also the look, feel and design of text images. "We ask if buttons and keys scale to match the size of the text," he says, noting German characters are 30% longer than those in English, while those in Japanese are 30% shorter.
Although English is the language of business, there is essential need for translators who understand Farsi, Urdu, Bahasa Indonesian, Tamil and Arabic. It goes back to what Friedrich Nietzsche once wrote: "There are no facts, only interpretations."
Please paraphrase the sentence: "The boom in translation jobs comes because of-and despite—technology." (para. 4)

答案: There has been real acceleration in demand tied to software,...
问答题

For America’s colleges, January is a month of reckoning. Most applications for the next academic year beginning in the autumn have to be made by the end of December, so a university’s popularity is put to an objective standard, how many people want to attend. One of the more unlikely offices to have been flooded with mail is that of the City University of New York (CUNY), a public college that lacks, among other things, a famous sports team, bucolic campuses and raucous parties (it doesn’t even have dorms), and, until recently, academic credibility.
A primary draw at CUNY is a programme for particularly clever students, launched in 2001. Some 1,100 of the 60,000 students at CUNY’s five top schools receive a rare thing in the costly world of American colleges, free education. Those accepted by CUNY’s honours programme pay no tuition fees; instead they receive a stipend of $ 7,500 (to help with general expenses) and a laptop computer. Applications for early admissions into next year’s programme are up 70%.
Admission has nothing to do with being an athlete, or a child of an alumnus, or having an influential sponsor, or being a member of a particularly aggrieved ethnic group—criteria that are increasingly important at America’s elite colleges. Most of the students who apply to the honours programme come from relatively poor families, many of them immigrant ones. All that CUNY demands is that these students be diligent and clever.
Last year, the average standardized test score of this group was in the top 7% in the country. Among the rest of CUNY’s students averages are lower, but they are now just breaking into the top third (compared with the bottom third in 1997). CUNY does not appear alongside Harvard and Stanford on lists of America’s top colleges, but its recent transformation offers a neat parable of meritocracy revisited.
Until the 1960s, a good case could be made that the best deal in American tertiary education was to be found not in Cambridge or Palo Alto, but in Harlem, at a small public school called City College, the core of CUNY. America’s first free municipal university, founded in 1847, offered its services to everyone bright enough to meet its gruelling standards.
City’s golden era came in the last century, when America’s best known colleges restricted the number of Jewish students they would admit at exactly the time when New York was teeming with the bright children of poor Jewish immigrants. In 1933—1954 City produced nine future Nobel laureates.
But in the second half of the last century, CUNY once lost its glamour.
What went wrong Put simply, City dropped its standards. It was partly to do with demography, partly to do with earnest muddleheadedness. In the 1960s, universities across the country faced intense pressure to admit more minority students. Although City was open to all races, only a small number of black and Hispanic students passed the strict. That, critics decided, could not be squared with City’s mission to "serve all the citizens of New York". At first the standards were tweaked, but this was not enough, and in 1969 massive student protests shut down City’s campus for two weeks. Faced with upheaval, City scrapped its admissions standards altogether. By 1970, almost any student who graduated from New York’s high schools could attend.
The quality of education collapsed. At first, with no barrier to entry, enrolment climbed, but in 1976 the city of New York, which was then in effect bankrupt, forced CUNY to impose tuition fees. An era of free education was over, and a university which had once served such a distinct purpose joined the muddle of America’s lower-end education.
By 1997, seven out of ten first-year students in the CUNY system were failing at least one remedial test in reading, writing or maths (meaning that they had not learnt it to high- school standard). A report commissioned by the city in 1999 concluded that "central to CUNY’s historic mission is a commitment to provide broad access, but its students’ high drop-out rates and low graduation rates raise the question: ’Access to what’".
Using the report as ammunition, profound reforms were pushed through by New York’s then mayor, Rudolph Giuliani, and another alumnus, Herman Badillo (1951), America’s first Puerto Rican congressman. A new head of CUNY was appointed. Matthew Goldstein, a mathematician (1963), has shifted the focus back towards higher standards amid considerable controversy.
For instance, by 2001, all of CUNY’s 11 "senior" colleges (i.e., ones that offer full four-year courses) had stopped offering remedial education.
Admissions standards have been raised. Students applying to CUNY’s senior colleges now need respectable scores on either a national, state or CUNY test, and the admissions criteria for the honours programme are the toughest in the university’s history. Contrary to what Mr. Goldstein’s critics predicted, higher standards have attracted more students, not fewer: this year, enrolment at CUNY is at a record high. There are also anecdotal signs that CUNY is once again picking up bright locals, especially in science.
Please paraphrase the sentence: "its (CUNY’s) recent transformation offers a neat parable of meritocracy revisited". (para. 4)

答案: In recent years, CUNY has improved a lot in its’ students’ a...
问答题

For America’s colleges, January is a month of reckoning. Most applications for the next academic year beginning in the autumn have to be made by the end of December, so a university’s popularity is put to an objective standard, how many people want to attend. One of the more unlikely offices to have been flooded with mail is that of the City University of New York (CUNY), a public college that lacks, among other things, a famous sports team, bucolic campuses and raucous parties (it doesn’t even have dorms), and, until recently, academic credibility.
A primary draw at CUNY is a programme for particularly clever students, launched in 2001. Some 1,100 of the 60,000 students at CUNY’s five top schools receive a rare thing in the costly world of American colleges, free education. Those accepted by CUNY’s honours programme pay no tuition fees; instead they receive a stipend of $ 7,500 (to help with general expenses) and a laptop computer. Applications for early admissions into next year’s programme are up 70%.
Admission has nothing to do with being an athlete, or a child of an alumnus, or having an influential sponsor, or being a member of a particularly aggrieved ethnic group—criteria that are increasingly important at America’s elite colleges. Most of the students who apply to the honours programme come from relatively poor families, many of them immigrant ones. All that CUNY demands is that these students be diligent and clever.
Last year, the average standardized test score of this group was in the top 7% in the country. Among the rest of CUNY’s students averages are lower, but they are now just breaking into the top third (compared with the bottom third in 1997). CUNY does not appear alongside Harvard and Stanford on lists of America’s top colleges, but its recent transformation offers a neat parable of meritocracy revisited.
Until the 1960s, a good case could be made that the best deal in American tertiary education was to be found not in Cambridge or Palo Alto, but in Harlem, at a small public school called City College, the core of CUNY. America’s first free municipal university, founded in 1847, offered its services to everyone bright enough to meet its gruelling standards.
City’s golden era came in the last century, when America’s best known colleges restricted the number of Jewish students they would admit at exactly the time when New York was teeming with the bright children of poor Jewish immigrants. In 1933—1954 City produced nine future Nobel laureates.
But in the second half of the last century, CUNY once lost its glamour.
What went wrong Put simply, City dropped its standards. It was partly to do with demography, partly to do with earnest muddleheadedness. In the 1960s, universities across the country faced intense pressure to admit more minority students. Although City was open to all races, only a small number of black and Hispanic students passed the strict. That, critics decided, could not be squared with City’s mission to "serve all the citizens of New York". At first the standards were tweaked, but this was not enough, and in 1969 massive student protests shut down City’s campus for two weeks. Faced with upheaval, City scrapped its admissions standards altogether. By 1970, almost any student who graduated from New York’s high schools could attend.
The quality of education collapsed. At first, with no barrier to entry, enrolment climbed, but in 1976 the city of New York, which was then in effect bankrupt, forced CUNY to impose tuition fees. An era of free education was over, and a university which had once served such a distinct purpose joined the muddle of America’s lower-end education.
By 1997, seven out of ten first-year students in the CUNY system were failing at least one remedial test in reading, writing or maths (meaning that they had not learnt it to high- school standard). A report commissioned by the city in 1999 concluded that "central to CUNY’s historic mission is a commitment to provide broad access, but its students’ high drop-out rates and low graduation rates raise the question: ’Access to what’".
Using the report as ammunition, profound reforms were pushed through by New York’s then mayor, Rudolph Giuliani, and another alumnus, Herman Badillo (1951), America’s first Puerto Rican congressman. A new head of CUNY was appointed. Matthew Goldstein, a mathematician (1963), has shifted the focus back towards higher standards amid considerable controversy.
For instance, by 2001, all of CUNY’s 11 "senior" colleges (i.e., ones that offer full four-year courses) had stopped offering remedial education.
Admissions standards have been raised. Students applying to CUNY’s senior colleges now need respectable scores on either a national, state or CUNY test, and the admissions criteria for the honours programme are the toughest in the university’s history. Contrary to what Mr. Goldstein’s critics predicted, higher standards have attracted more students, not fewer: this year, enrolment at CUNY is at a record high. There are also anecdotal signs that CUNY is once again picking up bright locals, especially in science.
Why does the author say that "City dropped its standards. It was partly to do with demography, partly to do with earnest muddle headedness" (para. 8)

答案: "It was partly to do with demography": In the 1960s, univers...
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