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Women are bad drivers, Saddam plotted 9/11, Obama was not born in America, and Iraq had weapons of mass destruction: to believe any of these requires suspending some of our critical-thinking faculties and succumbing instead to the kind of irrationality that drives the logically minded crazy. It helps, for instance, to use confirmation bias (seeing and recalling only evidence that supports your beliefs, so you can recount examples of women driving 40mph in the fast lane). It also helps not to test your beliefs against empirical data (where, exactly, are the WMD, after seven years of U. S. forces crawling all over Iraq); not to subject beliefs to the plausibility test (faking Obama’s birth certificate would require how widespread a conspiracy); and to be guided by emotion (the loss of thousands of American lives in Iraq feels more justified ff we are avenging 9/11).
    The fact that humans are subject to all these failures of rational thought seems to make no sense. Reason is supposed to be the highest achievement of the human mind, and the route to knowledge and wise decisions. But as psychologists have been documenting since the 1960s, humans are really, really bad at reasoning. It’s not just that we follow our emotions so often, in contexts from voting to ethics. No, even when we intend to deploy the full force of our rational faculties, we are often as ineffectual as eunuchs at an orgy.
    An idea sweeping through the ranks of philosophers and cognitive scientists suggests why this is so. The reason we succumb to confirmation bias, why we are blind to counterexamples, and why we fall short of Cartesian logic in so many other ways is that these lapses have a purpose: they help us "devise and evaluate arguments that are intended to persuade other people," says psychologist Hugo Mercier of the University of Pennsylvania. Failures of logic, he and cognitive scientist Dan Sperber of the Institute Jean Nicod in Paris propose, are in fact effective ploys to win arguments.
    That puts poor reasoning in a completely different light. Arguing, after all, is less about seeking truth than about overcoming opposing views. So while confirmation bias, for instance, may mislead us about what’s true and real, by letting examples that support our view monopolize our memory and perception, it maximizes the artillery we wield when trying to convince someone that, say, he really is "late all the time." Confirmation bias "has a straightforward explanation," argues Mercier. "It contributes to effective argumentation."
    Another form of flawed reasoning shows up in logic puzzles. Consider the syllogism "No C are B; all B are A; therefore some A are not C." Is it true Fewer than 10 percent of us figure out that it is, says Mercier. One reason is that to evaluate its validity requires constructing counterexamples (finding an A that is a C, for instance). But finding counterexamples can, in general, weaken our confidence in our own arguments. Forms of reasoning that are good for solving logic puzzles but bad for winning arguments lost out, over the course of evolution, to those that help us be persuasive but cause us to struggle with abstract syllogisms. Interestingly, syllogisms are easier to evaluate in the form "No flying things are penguins; all penguins are birds; so some birds are not fliers." That’s because we are more likely to argue about animals than A, B, and C.
    The sort of faulty thinking called motivated reasoning also impedes our search for truth but advances arguments. For instance, we tend to look harder for flaws in a study when we don’t agree with its conclusions and are more critical of evidence that undermines our point of view. So birthers dismiss evidence offered by Hawaiian officials that Obama’s birth certificate is real, and death-penalty foes are adept at finding flaws in studies that conclude capital punishment deters crime. While motivated reasoning may cloud our view of reality and keep us from objectively assessing evidence, Mercier says, by attuning us to flaws (real or not) in that evidence it prepares us to mount a scorched-earth strategy in arguments.
    Even the sunk-cost fallacy, which has tripped up everyone from supporters of a losing war ("We’ve already lost so many lives, it would be a betrayal to withdraw") to a losing stock ("I’ve held onto it this long"), reflects reasoning that turns its back on logic but wins arguments because the emotions it appeals to are universal. If Mercier and Sperber are right, the sunk-cost fallacy, confirmation bias, and the other forms of irrationality will be with us as long as humans like to argue. That is, forever.
    Questions:  What is Hugo Mercier’s explanation of humans’ failure of rational thought
 

答案: He explains that humans’ failures of rational thought have a...
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If there were an Oscar for most consistently profitable Hollywood studio, it probably would go to 20th Century Fox. Hollywood is a hit-driven business, and most studios bounce from box-office hit to dud with depressing regularity. But for the past seven years, Fox has scored with both blockbusters (Alvin and the Chipmunks) and indie hits (Juno) that have generated the kind of double-digit return on investment you might expect from a business making widgets, not films. Tom Pollock, a former Universal Pictures chairman who produces movies for Fox and other studios, says: "Fox is simply the best-run studio in town."
    You were expecting anything less from Rupert Murdoch’s guys "At Fox, the mantra is ’to be creatively driven but fiscally astute’", says James N. Gianopulos, who co-chairs the studio with Thomas Rothman of Fox Filmed Entertainment (NWS). Translation: to be almost pathologically obsessed with costs. Not that the co-chairs run from risk. They outbid most of Hollywood in 2004 for the script to the apocalyptic The Day After Tomorrow, but made it for $100 million, relatively cheap for a special-effects picture. It grossed more than haft a billion dollars worldwide.
    STEADY HARDBALL
    Double-digit profits are rare in Hollywood. Yet for the past six years, Fox has delivered 12% to 18% operating margins. Halfway through its fiscal year, it earned operating income of $765 million on nearly $3.6 billion in revenues—a 21.5% operating margin. And that doesn’t include Horton Hears a Who!, which grossed a hefty $45 million on its Mar. 14 opening weekend and was made for just over $85 million, nearly haft what an animated Pixar Animation Studios (PIXR) film costs.
    "No one in Hollywood negotiates tougher than these guys," says producer John Davis, who made I, Robot and Garfield: A Tale of Two Kitties for Fox. The hardballing starts with development, which Davis says typically costs Fox 10% to 15% less than usual because it holds the line on costly rewrites. On top of that, Fox rarely gives anyone but the biggies—Steven Spielberg, say—a piece of the profits. It also sets tough budgets and sticks with them. For his Lord of the Rings-esque Eragon, Davis had a $100 million budget, which forced him to cut some special effects and limit stars such as John Malkovich to cameos. It earned just $ 75 million domestically but did well globally.
    Special effects often eat up an action film’s budget. Not at Fox. The studio learned its lesson 10 years ago with Titanic, which cost Fox and Paramount Pictures (VIA) a then-unthinkable $200 million to make. After Titanic, Fox hired an in-house effects czar, whose main job is riding herd on special effects houses, often playing them against each other to get the best price. "They beat you over the head," says X-Men producer Avi Arad. "ff it costs $30 million, they’ll ask why it can’t cost $20 million." To keep downtime to a minimum, Arad used several shops on Fantastic 4: Rise of the Silver Surfer.
    Fox’s biggest hits are its smallest films. Peter Rice runs the studio’s independent unit, Fox Searchlight Pictures (NWS), which is in the business of finding tiny films, like Little Miss Sunshine, that were made on a shoestring. Rice’s limit: $15 million. His latest triumph: Juno. It cost $7. 5 million to produce and pulled in $135 million-plus in the U. S. alone.
    Which brings us to marketing, an expense that has been known to account for one-third of a film’s overall budget. While executives say they pay full freight for ads on Fox’s far-flung global properties, their stars pop up all over. Samuel L. Jackson, who starred in the flick Jumper, walked the carpet at the Super Bowl on the Fox Network. And wasn’t that Jim Carrey, who provided Horton’s voice, recently grinning insanely in the audience of Fox’s megahit American Idol
    Fox has stumbled before. Its 2005 picture Kingdom of Heaven bombed in the U. S. and cost a very unFoxlike $130 million to make. But even then, Fox turned things around. It had loaded the film with international stars, including Orlando Bloom, so it made enough outside the U. S. to break even.
    Questions:  What is a "hit-driven business" Explain briefly the sentence "most studios bounce from box-office hit to dud with depressing regularity." (Para. 1)
 

答案: "Hit-driven business" means that the studios can only make m...
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In seeking to describe the origins of theater, one must rely primarily on speculation, since there is little concrete evidence on which to draw. The most widely accepted theory, championed by anthropologists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, envisions theater as emerging out of myth and ritual. The process perceived by these anthropologists may be summarized briefly. During the early stages of its development, a society becomes aware of forces that appear to influence or control its food supply and well-being. Having little understanding of natural causes, it attributes both desirable and undesirable occurrences to supernatural or magical forces, and it searches for means to win the favor of these forces. Perceiving an apparent connection between certain actions performed by the group and the result it desires, the group repeats, refines and formalizes those actions into fixed ceremonies, or rituals.
    Stories (myths) may then grow up around a ritual. Frequently the myths include representatives of those supernatural forces that the rites celebrate or hope to influence. Performers may wear costumes and masks to represent the mythical characters or supernatural forces in the rituals or in accompanying celebrations. As a person becomes more sophisticated, its conceptions of supernatural forces and causal relationships may change. As a result, it may abandon or modify some rites. But the myths that have grown up around the rites may continue as part of the group’s oral tradition and may even come to be acted out under conditions divorced from these rites. When this occurs, the first step has been taken toward theater as an autonomous activity, and thereafter entertainment and aesthetic values may gradually replace the former mystical and socially efficacious concerns.
    Although origin in ritual has long been the most popular, it is by no means the only theory about how the theater came into being. Storytelling has been proposed as one alternative. Under this theory, relating and listening to stories are seen as fundamental human pleasures. Thus, the recalling of an event (a hunt, battle, or other feat) is elaborated through the narrator’s pantomime and impersonation and eventually through each role being assumed by a different person.
    A closely related theory sees theater as evolving out of dances that are primarily pantomimic, rhythmical or gymnastic, or from imitations of animal noises and sounds. Admiration for the performer’s skill, virtuosity, and grace are seen as motivation for elaborating the activities into fully realized theatrical performances.
    In addition to exploring the possible antecedents of theater, scholars have also theorized about the motives that led people to develop theater. Why did theater develop, and why was it valued after it ceased to fulfill the function of ritual Most answers fall back on the theories about the human mind and basic human needs. One, set forth by Aristotle in the fourth century B.C., sees humans as naturally imitative—as taking pleasure in imitating persons, things, and actions and in seeing such imitations. Another, advanced in the twentieth century, suggests that humans have a gift for fantasy, through which they seek to reshape reality into more satisfying forms than those encountered in daily life. Thus, fantasy or fiction (of which drama is one form) permits people to objectify their anxieties and fears, confront them, and fulfill their hopes in fiction if not fact. The theater, then, is one tool whereby people define and understand their world or escape from unpleasant realities.
    But neither the human imitative instinct nor a penchant for fantasy by itself leads to an autonomous theater. Therefore, additional explanations are needed. One necessary condition seems to be a somewhat detached view of human problems. For example, one sign of this condition is the appearance of the comic vision, since comedy requires sufficient detachment to view some deviations from social norms as ridiculous rather than as serious threats to the welfare of the entire group. Another condition that contributes to the development of autonomous theater is the emergence of the aesthetic sense. For example, some early societies ceased to consider certain rites essential to their well-being and abandoned them, nevertheless, they retained as parts of their oral tradition the myths that had grown up around the rites and admired them for their artistic qualities rather than for their religious usefulness.
    Questions:  Why did some societies develop and repeat ceremonial actions
 

答案: Once they find what they have done is related to what they h...
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It may be no surprise that the best-selling computer book so far this year is iPhone: The Missing Manual, by my colleague David Pogue.
    But here is something that did surprise me: the most popular edition of this book isn’t on paper or the PDF file that O’Reilly Media also sells. It is the downloadable application for the iPhone, according to Tim O’Reilly, the chief executive of O’Reilly Media.
    Amid all the discussion of micropayments and other ways that the creators of news and other content can be paid for their work, the iTunes App store is shaping up to be a surprisingly viable way to sell all sorts of information and entertainment.
    There is a lot more content of the sort you would have bought in the past but now you can get free on the Web: a directory of Congressional offices, standup comedy routines, gym workout videos, Zagat restaurant guides and a growing library of books. There is also a fair bit of free content, public-domain e-books like the complete works of Shakespeare and lots of advertising-supported media. (Business Week has a report this week on the App store’s role in music.)
    What’s most interesting is how iPhone users are willing to spend money in ways that Web users are not.
    I’ve criticized Apple from time to time for not having a coherent approach to delivering free content with advertising. But in some ways, the development of a market for paid content is a bigger and less expected achievement.
    Why has this happened Apple has created an environment that makes buying digital goods easy and common. With an infrastructure that supports one-click purchases of songs and videos, it was easy to add applications in the same paradigm. Paying for software, especially games, is not new to Apple customers. So when you see the iPhone manual or the Frommer’s Paris guidebook, it feels natural to click. (And of course, your credit card is already on file with Apple.)
    There are certainly other precedents. Many people who steal songs through Limewire nonetheless pay $1.99 to use the same tunes as ringtones. And for avid book readers, Amazon’s Kindle has found a market willing to pay for electronic books. Apple is also starting to sell subscriptions to bundles of music, video and images from certain bands, like Depeche Mode. This is technically a product of the Music store, not the App store, but it still shows how people may be willing to pay for various bundles of content online.
    There is a lot of work to do here. For example, I find the O’Reilly iPhone book a little hard to use. The text doesn’t seem particularly well-formatted for the iPhone page. And I would love to see more interactive features that utilize the phone interface (including some of David’s videos).
    Andrew Savikas, O’Reilly’s vice president for digital initiatives, agrees with me, saying that the iPhone manual was rushed to get it out before Christmas. The company now has 20 titles in development for the iPhone (and eventually other mobile phones), and it is spending more time weaving in hyperlinks and adding other features.
    "There is a lot more we can do to take advantage of this as a new medium," he said. O’Reilly, which sells to a lot of early adopters, has a range of digital distribution media.
    "We try to say all of our writing is writing for the Web, and all of our publishing is digital publishing, so all our focus is building things into the content that make it more friendly to be digital," he said.
    Before media companies rejoice that Apple has found a way to persuade a generation used to getting everything free on the Web to pay for some content, they should look a bit more closely at O’Reilly’s experience with the iPhone manual.
    The book, which sells for $ 24.99, was initially offered as an iPhone app for $4.99. When the publisher raised the price to $ 9.99, sales fell 75 percent. O’Reilly quickly dropped the price back down to the lower level.
    "This audience is very price sensitive," Mr. Savikas said.
    So even if all content doesn’t have to be free, it may well have to be cheap.
    Questions:  What phenomenon has mainly been discussed in the passage
 

答案: This article mainly discussed about a phenomenon that the iT...
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There is probably no life of our type in the solar system outside Earth itself. But is there life on planets circling other stars Before we can really try to answer that, we have to ask if there are planets circling other stars. Over five hundred years ago, Nicholas of Cusa took it for granted that there were. Modem astronomers think he is likely to have been right, for if our solar system was formed from a cloud of dust and gas that automatically formed planets, that should be true of many other stars as well, and even, perhaps, of nearly all stars.
    But that is risky reasoning. It would be much better if one star, aside from our own sun, were actually found to have a planetary system. Unfortunately, even with our present-day instruments, we can’t see any planets circling other stars.
    If, however, there are planets circling most stars, what does that tell us about the possibility of life on those planets
    Life certainly can’t exist on any world that is part of another planetary system, just as it cannot exist on any world in our own planetary system. The planet has to be suitable for life.
    For one thing, a planet would have to have a reasonably stable orbit. If it had an erratic orbit, there might be times when its temperature would rise above the boiling point of water or, at other times, drop below Antarctic temperatures, and there would not be much chance of finding life as we know it. What’s more, a planet would have to be massive enough to hold on to an atmosphere and an ocean, but not so massive that it collected hydrogen and helium.
    But even assuming that a planet is the right size and has the proper chemical composition and a stable orbit neither too far from its star nor too close, so that its temperature is at all times in the range of liquid water (as is true of Earth except for the polar regions), a great deal would still depend on the kind of star it was revolving about. Stars that are much more massive than the sun, for instance, would not be very apt to have such planets; their lives on the main sequence are too short. After all, here on Earth, organisms as advanced as primitive shellfish did not appear until life had existed on the planet for 3 billion years. If that is the normal rate of evolution, then a planet circling a star such as Sirius could never have life advanced beyond the simplest form of bacterial life, for after a mere half-billion years, Sirius would become a red giant and destroy the planet.
    Furthermore, if a star is very small and dim, a planet must be very close to it to get enough light and heat to support life as we know it. But at that close distance, tidal effects would cause the planet to face only one side to the sun, so that half the planet would be too hot and half too cold. In other words, we need stars about the size of our sun.
    Then again, such stars cannot be part of close binaries or in other regions where there would be too much energetic radiation from surrounding stars. Suppose we decide that only one out of three hundred stars has a chance of possessing a planet that would be hospitable to our kind of life, and only one out of three hundred of such stars has a planet of the right size, chemical composition, and temperature to actually support life. That might still mean the existence of millions of life-bearing planets scattered among the stars.
    However, what are the chances that on one of these planets intelligent life has developed, capable of developing a technology like ours
    There are no optimistic answers to that question. After all, Earth had to exist for 4. 6 billion years before a life form appeared that was capable of developing technology.
    Even if the chances of its happening are small, it might still be that thousands of technologies have developed among the stars, but then there’s a still more difficult question: how long would such technologies endure
    Intelligent beings, as they learn to dispose of great sources of energy, might use them for self-destructive purposes. Certainly, now that mankind has developed advanced technologies, we have begun to use them in ruinous wars and are in the process of destroying our environment with them. If this is typical, then the universe might be full of life-bearing planets that have not yet achieved a technology, and equally full of others that have already achieved an advanced technology and have destroyed themselves. There would be only a very, very few besides ourselves who had achieved the technology and had not yet had time to destroy themselves.
    Perhaps aliens have not appeared because the distances between the stars is too great to cross, or they have reached us and decided to let us develop in peace, or have failed to appear for any number of other reasons. We can’t be sure that simply because no alien is here, there are no aliens somewhere out there.
    Questions:  What factors are mentioned as necessary for a planet to be suitable for life
 

答案: For the planet, it must have a reasonably stable orbit, a su...
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If there were an Oscar for most consistently profitable Hollywood studio, it probably would go to 20th Century Fox. Hollywood is a hit-driven business, and most studios bounce from box-office hit to dud with depressing regularity. But for the past seven years, Fox has scored with both blockbusters (Alvin and the Chipmunks) and indie hits (Juno) that have generated the kind of double-digit return on investment you might expect from a business making widgets, not films. Tom Pollock, a former Universal Pictures chairman who produces movies for Fox and other studios, says: "Fox is simply the best-run studio in town."
    You were expecting anything less from Rupert Murdoch’s guys "At Fox, the mantra is ’to be creatively driven but fiscally astute’", says James N. Gianopulos, who co-chairs the studio with Thomas Rothman of Fox Filmed Entertainment (NWS). Translation: to be almost pathologically obsessed with costs. Not that the co-chairs run from risk. They outbid most of Hollywood in 2004 for the script to the apocalyptic The Day After Tomorrow, but made it for $100 million, relatively cheap for a special-effects picture. It grossed more than haft a billion dollars worldwide.
    STEADY HARDBALL
    Double-digit profits are rare in Hollywood. Yet for the past six years, Fox has delivered 12% to 18% operating margins. Halfway through its fiscal year, it earned operating income of $765 million on nearly $3.6 billion in revenues—a 21.5% operating margin. And that doesn’t include Horton Hears a Who!, which grossed a hefty $45 million on its Mar. 14 opening weekend and was made for just over $85 million, nearly haft what an animated Pixar Animation Studios (PIXR) film costs.
    "No one in Hollywood negotiates tougher than these guys," says producer John Davis, who made I, Robot and Garfield: A Tale of Two Kitties for Fox. The hardballing starts with development, which Davis says typically costs Fox 10% to 15% less than usual because it holds the line on costly rewrites. On top of that, Fox rarely gives anyone but the biggies—Steven Spielberg, say—a piece of the profits. It also sets tough budgets and sticks with them. For his Lord of the Rings-esque Eragon, Davis had a $100 million budget, which forced him to cut some special effects and limit stars such as John Malkovich to cameos. It earned just $ 75 million domestically but did well globally.
    Special effects often eat up an action film’s budget. Not at Fox. The studio learned its lesson 10 years ago with Titanic, which cost Fox and Paramount Pictures (VIA) a then-unthinkable $200 million to make. After Titanic, Fox hired an in-house effects czar, whose main job is riding herd on special effects houses, often playing them against each other to get the best price. "They beat you over the head," says X-Men producer Avi Arad. "ff it costs $30 million, they’ll ask why it can’t cost $20 million." To keep downtime to a minimum, Arad used several shops on Fantastic 4: Rise of the Silver Surfer.
    Fox’s biggest hits are its smallest films. Peter Rice runs the studio’s independent unit, Fox Searchlight Pictures (NWS), which is in the business of finding tiny films, like Little Miss Sunshine, that were made on a shoestring. Rice’s limit: $15 million. His latest triumph: Juno. It cost $7. 5 million to produce and pulled in $135 million-plus in the U. S. alone.
    Which brings us to marketing, an expense that has been known to account for one-third of a film’s overall budget. While executives say they pay full freight for ads on Fox’s far-flung global properties, their stars pop up all over. Samuel L. Jackson, who starred in the flick Jumper, walked the carpet at the Super Bowl on the Fox Network. And wasn’t that Jim Carrey, who provided Horton’s voice, recently grinning insanely in the audience of Fox’s megahit American Idol
    Fox has stumbled before. Its 2005 picture Kingdom of Heaven bombed in the U. S. and cost a very unFoxlike $130 million to make. But even then, Fox turned things around. It had loaded the film with international stars, including Orlando Bloom, so it made enough outside the U. S. to break even.
    Questions:  Explain Gianopulos’ comment that "At Fox, the mantra is ’to be creatively driven but fiscally astute’" (Para. 2)
 

答案: As the co-chairs of the studio, Gianopulos argues that we ca...
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Women are bad drivers, Saddam plotted 9/11, Obama was not born in America, and Iraq had weapons of mass destruction: to believe any of these requires suspending some of our critical-thinking faculties and succumbing instead to the kind of irrationality that drives the logically minded crazy. It helps, for instance, to use confirmation bias (seeing and recalling only evidence that supports your beliefs, so you can recount examples of women driving 40mph in the fast lane). It also helps not to test your beliefs against empirical data (where, exactly, are the WMD, after seven years of U. S. forces crawling all over Iraq); not to subject beliefs to the plausibility test (faking Obama’s birth certificate would require how widespread a conspiracy); and to be guided by emotion (the loss of thousands of American lives in Iraq feels more justified ff we are avenging 9/11).
    The fact that humans are subject to all these failures of rational thought seems to make no sense. Reason is supposed to be the highest achievement of the human mind, and the route to knowledge and wise decisions. But as psychologists have been documenting since the 1960s, humans are really, really bad at reasoning. It’s not just that we follow our emotions so often, in contexts from voting to ethics. No, even when we intend to deploy the full force of our rational faculties, we are often as ineffectual as eunuchs at an orgy.
    An idea sweeping through the ranks of philosophers and cognitive scientists suggests why this is so. The reason we succumb to confirmation bias, why we are blind to counterexamples, and why we fall short of Cartesian logic in so many other ways is that these lapses have a purpose: they help us "devise and evaluate arguments that are intended to persuade other people," says psychologist Hugo Mercier of the University of Pennsylvania. Failures of logic, he and cognitive scientist Dan Sperber of the Institute Jean Nicod in Paris propose, are in fact effective ploys to win arguments.
    That puts poor reasoning in a completely different light. Arguing, after all, is less about seeking truth than about overcoming opposing views. So while confirmation bias, for instance, may mislead us about what’s true and real, by letting examples that support our view monopolize our memory and perception, it maximizes the artillery we wield when trying to convince someone that, say, he really is "late all the time." Confirmation bias "has a straightforward explanation," argues Mercier. "It contributes to effective argumentation."
    Another form of flawed reasoning shows up in logic puzzles. Consider the syllogism "No C are B; all B are A; therefore some A are not C." Is it true Fewer than 10 percent of us figure out that it is, says Mercier. One reason is that to evaluate its validity requires constructing counterexamples (finding an A that is a C, for instance). But finding counterexamples can, in general, weaken our confidence in our own arguments. Forms of reasoning that are good for solving logic puzzles but bad for winning arguments lost out, over the course of evolution, to those that help us be persuasive but cause us to struggle with abstract syllogisms. Interestingly, syllogisms are easier to evaluate in the form "No flying things are penguins; all penguins are birds; so some birds are not fliers." That’s because we are more likely to argue about animals than A, B, and C.
    The sort of faulty thinking called motivated reasoning also impedes our search for truth but advances arguments. For instance, we tend to look harder for flaws in a study when we don’t agree with its conclusions and are more critical of evidence that undermines our point of view. So birthers dismiss evidence offered by Hawaiian officials that Obama’s birth certificate is real, and death-penalty foes are adept at finding flaws in studies that conclude capital punishment deters crime. While motivated reasoning may cloud our view of reality and keep us from objectively assessing evidence, Mercier says, by attuning us to flaws (real or not) in that evidence it prepares us to mount a scorched-earth strategy in arguments.
    Even the sunk-cost fallacy, which has tripped up everyone from supporters of a losing war ("We’ve already lost so many lives, it would be a betrayal to withdraw") to a losing stock ("I’ve held onto it this long"), reflects reasoning that turns its back on logic but wins arguments because the emotions it appeals to are universal. If Mercier and Sperber are right, the sunk-cost fallacy, confirmation bias, and the other forms of irrationality will be with us as long as humans like to argue. That is, forever.
    Questions:  What’s the relationship between the four examples at the beginning of the article and the two thinking ways—rationality and irrationality
 

答案: If you use rational thinking, you will not believe these fou...
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The search for latent prints is done in a systematic and intelligent manner. Investigators develop techniques to locate traces of fingerprints at a crime scene. The basic premise in searching for latent prints is to examine more carefully those areas, which would most likely be touched by persons who have been on the scene. The natural manner in which a person would use and place his hands in making an entrance or exit from a building or in handling any object is the key to the discovery of latent prints.
    Where a forced entrance has been made, latent prints are likely to be found on any surface adjacent to or at that point. Any object with a smooth, non-porous surface is likely to retain latent prints if touched. Fingerprints on rough surfaces are usually of little value. If the fingermark does not disclose ridge detail when viewed under a reading glass, the chances are that its value in identification is nil when photographed. Where fingermarks are found, it will be necessary for the investigator to compare them against the ones of persons having legitimate access to the premises so that the traces might be eliminated as having evidentiary value if they prove to be from these persons. Places to search for prints on an automobile are the rear View mirror, steering wheel hub, steering column, windshield dashboard and the like.
    Dusting of surface may be done with a fine brush or with an atomizer. The whit powders used are basically finely powdered white lead, talc, or chalk. Another light powder is basically Chemist’s gray. A good black powder is composed of lampblack, graphite, and powdered acacia. Dragon’s blood is good powder for white surface and can be fixed on paper by heating. In developing latent prints, the accepted method is to use the powder sparingly and brush lightly. Do not use powder if the fingermark is Visible under oblique lighting. It can be photographed. A good policy for the novice is to experiment with his own prints on a surface similar to the one he wishes to search in order to determine the powder best suited to the surface. Fingerprints after dusting may be lifted by using fresh cellulose tape or commercially prepared material especially designed to lift and transfer dusted latent fingerprints.
    In addition to latent prints, the investigator must not overlook the possibility of two other types of fingerprint traces: molded impression and visible impression. Molded impressions are formed by the pressure of the finger upon comparatively soft, pliable, or plastic surfaces producing an actual mold of the fingerprint pattern. These can be recorded by photograph without treating the surface. It is usually most effective in revealing the impressions clearly. Visible impressions are formed when the finger is covered with some substance which is transferred to the surface contacted. Fingers smeared with blood, grease, dirt, paint, and the like will leave a Visible impression. If these impressions are clear and sharp, they are photographed under light without any treatment. Ordinarily, prints of this type are blurred or smeared and do not contain enough detail for identification by comparison. However, they can not be overlooked or brushed aside without first being examined carefully.
    Questions:  What kinds of latent prints are worthless
 

答案: Fingerprints on rough surfaces and the fingermark that does ...
问答题

In seeking to describe the origins of theater, one must rely primarily on speculation, since there is little concrete evidence on which to draw. The most widely accepted theory, championed by anthropologists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, envisions theater as emerging out of myth and ritual. The process perceived by these anthropologists may be summarized briefly. During the early stages of its development, a society becomes aware of forces that appear to influence or control its food supply and well-being. Having little understanding of natural causes, it attributes both desirable and undesirable occurrences to supernatural or magical forces, and it searches for means to win the favor of these forces. Perceiving an apparent connection between certain actions performed by the group and the result it desires, the group repeats, refines and formalizes those actions into fixed ceremonies, or rituals.
    Stories (myths) may then grow up around a ritual. Frequently the myths include representatives of those supernatural forces that the rites celebrate or hope to influence. Performers may wear costumes and masks to represent the mythical characters or supernatural forces in the rituals or in accompanying celebrations. As a person becomes more sophisticated, its conceptions of supernatural forces and causal relationships may change. As a result, it may abandon or modify some rites. But the myths that have grown up around the rites may continue as part of the group’s oral tradition and may even come to be acted out under conditions divorced from these rites. When this occurs, the first step has been taken toward theater as an autonomous activity, and thereafter entertainment and aesthetic values may gradually replace the former mystical and socially efficacious concerns.
    Although origin in ritual has long been the most popular, it is by no means the only theory about how the theater came into being. Storytelling has been proposed as one alternative. Under this theory, relating and listening to stories are seen as fundamental human pleasures. Thus, the recalling of an event (a hunt, battle, or other feat) is elaborated through the narrator’s pantomime and impersonation and eventually through each role being assumed by a different person.
    A closely related theory sees theater as evolving out of dances that are primarily pantomimic, rhythmical or gymnastic, or from imitations of animal noises and sounds. Admiration for the performer’s skill, virtuosity, and grace are seen as motivation for elaborating the activities into fully realized theatrical performances.
    In addition to exploring the possible antecedents of theater, scholars have also theorized about the motives that led people to develop theater. Why did theater develop, and why was it valued after it ceased to fulfill the function of ritual Most answers fall back on the theories about the human mind and basic human needs. One, set forth by Aristotle in the fourth century B.C., sees humans as naturally imitative—as taking pleasure in imitating persons, things, and actions and in seeing such imitations. Another, advanced in the twentieth century, suggests that humans have a gift for fantasy, through which they seek to reshape reality into more satisfying forms than those encountered in daily life. Thus, fantasy or fiction (of which drama is one form) permits people to objectify their anxieties and fears, confront them, and fulfill their hopes in fiction if not fact. The theater, then, is one tool whereby people define and understand their world or escape from unpleasant realities.
    But neither the human imitative instinct nor a penchant for fantasy by itself leads to an autonomous theater. Therefore, additional explanations are needed. One necessary condition seems to be a somewhat detached view of human problems. For example, one sign of this condition is the appearance of the comic vision, since comedy requires sufficient detachment to view some deviations from social norms as ridiculous rather than as serious threats to the welfare of the entire group. Another condition that contributes to the development of autonomous theater is the emergence of the aesthetic sense. For example, some early societies ceased to consider certain rites essential to their well-being and abandoned them, nevertheless, they retained as parts of their oral tradition the myths that had grown up around the rites and admired them for their artistic qualities rather than for their religious usefulness.
    Questions:  What does the word "this" in Paragraph 2 refer to
 

答案: "This" here refers to the separation of myths from rites.
问答题

There is probably no life of our type in the solar system outside Earth itself. But is there life on planets circling other stars Before we can really try to answer that, we have to ask if there are planets circling other stars. Over five hundred years ago, Nicholas of Cusa took it for granted that there were. Modem astronomers think he is likely to have been right, for if our solar system was formed from a cloud of dust and gas that automatically formed planets, that should be true of many other stars as well, and even, perhaps, of nearly all stars.
    But that is risky reasoning. It would be much better if one star, aside from our own sun, were actually found to have a planetary system. Unfortunately, even with our present-day instruments, we can’t see any planets circling other stars.
    If, however, there are planets circling most stars, what does that tell us about the possibility of life on those planets
    Life certainly can’t exist on any world that is part of another planetary system, just as it cannot exist on any world in our own planetary system. The planet has to be suitable for life.
    For one thing, a planet would have to have a reasonably stable orbit. If it had an erratic orbit, there might be times when its temperature would rise above the boiling point of water or, at other times, drop below Antarctic temperatures, and there would not be much chance of finding life as we know it. What’s more, a planet would have to be massive enough to hold on to an atmosphere and an ocean, but not so massive that it collected hydrogen and helium.
    But even assuming that a planet is the right size and has the proper chemical composition and a stable orbit neither too far from its star nor too close, so that its temperature is at all times in the range of liquid water (as is true of Earth except for the polar regions), a great deal would still depend on the kind of star it was revolving about. Stars that are much more massive than the sun, for instance, would not be very apt to have such planets; their lives on the main sequence are too short. After all, here on Earth, organisms as advanced as primitive shellfish did not appear until life had existed on the planet for 3 billion years. If that is the normal rate of evolution, then a planet circling a star such as Sirius could never have life advanced beyond the simplest form of bacterial life, for after a mere half-billion years, Sirius would become a red giant and destroy the planet.
    Furthermore, if a star is very small and dim, a planet must be very close to it to get enough light and heat to support life as we know it. But at that close distance, tidal effects would cause the planet to face only one side to the sun, so that half the planet would be too hot and half too cold. In other words, we need stars about the size of our sun.
    Then again, such stars cannot be part of close binaries or in other regions where there would be too much energetic radiation from surrounding stars. Suppose we decide that only one out of three hundred stars has a chance of possessing a planet that would be hospitable to our kind of life, and only one out of three hundred of such stars has a planet of the right size, chemical composition, and temperature to actually support life. That might still mean the existence of millions of life-bearing planets scattered among the stars.
    However, what are the chances that on one of these planets intelligent life has developed, capable of developing a technology like ours
    There are no optimistic answers to that question. After all, Earth had to exist for 4. 6 billion years before a life form appeared that was capable of developing technology.
    Even if the chances of its happening are small, it might still be that thousands of technologies have developed among the stars, but then there’s a still more difficult question: how long would such technologies endure
    Intelligent beings, as they learn to dispose of great sources of energy, might use them for self-destructive purposes. Certainly, now that mankind has developed advanced technologies, we have begun to use them in ruinous wars and are in the process of destroying our environment with them. If this is typical, then the universe might be full of life-bearing planets that have not yet achieved a technology, and equally full of others that have already achieved an advanced technology and have destroyed themselves. There would be only a very, very few besides ourselves who had achieved the technology and had not yet had time to destroy themselves.
    Perhaps aliens have not appeared because the distances between the stars is too great to cross, or they have reached us and decided to let us develop in peace, or have failed to appear for any number of other reasons. We can’t be sure that simply because no alien is here, there are no aliens somewhere out there.
    Questions:  Why are large stars unlikely to have life on surrounding planets
 

答案: Because the massive stars are short-lived. It takes about 3 ...
问答题

It may be no surprise that the best-selling computer book so far this year is iPhone: The Missing Manual, by my colleague David Pogue.
    But here is something that did surprise me: the most popular edition of this book isn’t on paper or the PDF file that O’Reilly Media also sells. It is the downloadable application for the iPhone, according to Tim O’Reilly, the chief executive of O’Reilly Media.
    Amid all the discussion of micropayments and other ways that the creators of news and other content can be paid for their work, the iTunes App store is shaping up to be a surprisingly viable way to sell all sorts of information and entertainment.
    There is a lot more content of the sort you would have bought in the past but now you can get free on the Web: a directory of Congressional offices, standup comedy routines, gym workout videos, Zagat restaurant guides and a growing library of books. There is also a fair bit of free content, public-domain e-books like the complete works of Shakespeare and lots of advertising-supported media. (Business Week has a report this week on the App store’s role in music.)
    What’s most interesting is how iPhone users are willing to spend money in ways that Web users are not.
    I’ve criticized Apple from time to time for not having a coherent approach to delivering free content with advertising. But in some ways, the development of a market for paid content is a bigger and less expected achievement.
    Why has this happened Apple has created an environment that makes buying digital goods easy and common. With an infrastructure that supports one-click purchases of songs and videos, it was easy to add applications in the same paradigm. Paying for software, especially games, is not new to Apple customers. So when you see the iPhone manual or the Frommer’s Paris guidebook, it feels natural to click. (And of course, your credit card is already on file with Apple.)
    There are certainly other precedents. Many people who steal songs through Limewire nonetheless pay $1.99 to use the same tunes as ringtones. And for avid book readers, Amazon’s Kindle has found a market willing to pay for electronic books. Apple is also starting to sell subscriptions to bundles of music, video and images from certain bands, like Depeche Mode. This is technically a product of the Music store, not the App store, but it still shows how people may be willing to pay for various bundles of content online.
    There is a lot of work to do here. For example, I find the O’Reilly iPhone book a little hard to use. The text doesn’t seem particularly well-formatted for the iPhone page. And I would love to see more interactive features that utilize the phone interface (including some of David’s videos).
    Andrew Savikas, O’Reilly’s vice president for digital initiatives, agrees with me, saying that the iPhone manual was rushed to get it out before Christmas. The company now has 20 titles in development for the iPhone (and eventually other mobile phones), and it is spending more time weaving in hyperlinks and adding other features.
    "There is a lot more we can do to take advantage of this as a new medium," he said. O’Reilly, which sells to a lot of early adopters, has a range of digital distribution media.
    "We try to say all of our writing is writing for the Web, and all of our publishing is digital publishing, so all our focus is building things into the content that make it more friendly to be digital," he said.
    Before media companies rejoice that Apple has found a way to persuade a generation used to getting everything free on the Web to pay for some content, they should look a bit more closely at O’Reilly’s experience with the iPhone manual.
    The book, which sells for $ 24.99, was initially offered as an iPhone app for $4.99. When the publisher raised the price to $ 9.99, sales fell 75 percent. O’Reilly quickly dropped the price back down to the lower level.
    "This audience is very price sensitive," Mr. Savikas said.
    So even if all content doesn’t have to be free, it may well have to be cheap.
    Questions:  Why are iPhone users willing to spend money in ways that Web users are not
 

答案: Because Apple has created an environment that makes buying d...
问答题

If there were an Oscar for most consistently profitable Hollywood studio, it probably would go to 20th Century Fox. Hollywood is a hit-driven business, and most studios bounce from box-office hit to dud with depressing regularity. But for the past seven years, Fox has scored with both blockbusters (Alvin and the Chipmunks) and indie hits (Juno) that have generated the kind of double-digit return on investment you might expect from a business making widgets, not films. Tom Pollock, a former Universal Pictures chairman who produces movies for Fox and other studios, says: "Fox is simply the best-run studio in town."
    You were expecting anything less from Rupert Murdoch’s guys "At Fox, the mantra is ’to be creatively driven but fiscally astute’", says James N. Gianopulos, who co-chairs the studio with Thomas Rothman of Fox Filmed Entertainment (NWS). Translation: to be almost pathologically obsessed with costs. Not that the co-chairs run from risk. They outbid most of Hollywood in 2004 for the script to the apocalyptic The Day After Tomorrow, but made it for $100 million, relatively cheap for a special-effects picture. It grossed more than haft a billion dollars worldwide.
    STEADY HARDBALL
    Double-digit profits are rare in Hollywood. Yet for the past six years, Fox has delivered 12% to 18% operating margins. Halfway through its fiscal year, it earned operating income of $765 million on nearly $3.6 billion in revenues—a 21.5% operating margin. And that doesn’t include Horton Hears a Who!, which grossed a hefty $45 million on its Mar. 14 opening weekend and was made for just over $85 million, nearly haft what an animated Pixar Animation Studios (PIXR) film costs.
    "No one in Hollywood negotiates tougher than these guys," says producer John Davis, who made I, Robot and Garfield: A Tale of Two Kitties for Fox. The hardballing starts with development, which Davis says typically costs Fox 10% to 15% less than usual because it holds the line on costly rewrites. On top of that, Fox rarely gives anyone but the biggies—Steven Spielberg, say—a piece of the profits. It also sets tough budgets and sticks with them. For his Lord of the Rings-esque Eragon, Davis had a $100 million budget, which forced him to cut some special effects and limit stars such as John Malkovich to cameos. It earned just $ 75 million domestically but did well globally.
    Special effects often eat up an action film’s budget. Not at Fox. The studio learned its lesson 10 years ago with Titanic, which cost Fox and Paramount Pictures (VIA) a then-unthinkable $200 million to make. After Titanic, Fox hired an in-house effects czar, whose main job is riding herd on special effects houses, often playing them against each other to get the best price. "They beat you over the head," says X-Men producer Avi Arad. "ff it costs $30 million, they’ll ask why it can’t cost $20 million." To keep downtime to a minimum, Arad used several shops on Fantastic 4: Rise of the Silver Surfer.
    Fox’s biggest hits are its smallest films. Peter Rice runs the studio’s independent unit, Fox Searchlight Pictures (NWS), which is in the business of finding tiny films, like Little Miss Sunshine, that were made on a shoestring. Rice’s limit: $15 million. His latest triumph: Juno. It cost $7. 5 million to produce and pulled in $135 million-plus in the U. S. alone.
    Which brings us to marketing, an expense that has been known to account for one-third of a film’s overall budget. While executives say they pay full freight for ads on Fox’s far-flung global properties, their stars pop up all over. Samuel L. Jackson, who starred in the flick Jumper, walked the carpet at the Super Bowl on the Fox Network. And wasn’t that Jim Carrey, who provided Horton’s voice, recently grinning insanely in the audience of Fox’s megahit American Idol
    Fox has stumbled before. Its 2005 picture Kingdom of Heaven bombed in the U. S. and cost a very unFoxlike $130 million to make. But even then, Fox turned things around. It had loaded the film with international stars, including Orlando Bloom, so it made enough outside the U. S. to break even.
    Questions:  What are the hardballing measures in Fox’s control of its costs in making films
 

答案: From Titanic, the studio learned that special effec...
问答题

Women are bad drivers, Saddam plotted 9/11, Obama was not born in America, and Iraq had weapons of mass destruction: to believe any of these requires suspending some of our critical-thinking faculties and succumbing instead to the kind of irrationality that drives the logically minded crazy. It helps, for instance, to use confirmation bias (seeing and recalling only evidence that supports your beliefs, so you can recount examples of women driving 40mph in the fast lane). It also helps not to test your beliefs against empirical data (where, exactly, are the WMD, after seven years of U. S. forces crawling all over Iraq); not to subject beliefs to the plausibility test (faking Obama’s birth certificate would require how widespread a conspiracy); and to be guided by emotion (the loss of thousands of American lives in Iraq feels more justified ff we are avenging 9/11).
    The fact that humans are subject to all these failures of rational thought seems to make no sense. Reason is supposed to be the highest achievement of the human mind, and the route to knowledge and wise decisions. But as psychologists have been documenting since the 1960s, humans are really, really bad at reasoning. It’s not just that we follow our emotions so often, in contexts from voting to ethics. No, even when we intend to deploy the full force of our rational faculties, we are often as ineffectual as eunuchs at an orgy.
    An idea sweeping through the ranks of philosophers and cognitive scientists suggests why this is so. The reason we succumb to confirmation bias, why we are blind to counterexamples, and why we fall short of Cartesian logic in so many other ways is that these lapses have a purpose: they help us "devise and evaluate arguments that are intended to persuade other people," says psychologist Hugo Mercier of the University of Pennsylvania. Failures of logic, he and cognitive scientist Dan Sperber of the Institute Jean Nicod in Paris propose, are in fact effective ploys to win arguments.
    That puts poor reasoning in a completely different light. Arguing, after all, is less about seeking truth than about overcoming opposing views. So while confirmation bias, for instance, may mislead us about what’s true and real, by letting examples that support our view monopolize our memory and perception, it maximizes the artillery we wield when trying to convince someone that, say, he really is "late all the time." Confirmation bias "has a straightforward explanation," argues Mercier. "It contributes to effective argumentation."
    Another form of flawed reasoning shows up in logic puzzles. Consider the syllogism "No C are B; all B are A; therefore some A are not C." Is it true Fewer than 10 percent of us figure out that it is, says Mercier. One reason is that to evaluate its validity requires constructing counterexamples (finding an A that is a C, for instance). But finding counterexamples can, in general, weaken our confidence in our own arguments. Forms of reasoning that are good for solving logic puzzles but bad for winning arguments lost out, over the course of evolution, to those that help us be persuasive but cause us to struggle with abstract syllogisms. Interestingly, syllogisms are easier to evaluate in the form "No flying things are penguins; all penguins are birds; so some birds are not fliers." That’s because we are more likely to argue about animals than A, B, and C.
    The sort of faulty thinking called motivated reasoning also impedes our search for truth but advances arguments. For instance, we tend to look harder for flaws in a study when we don’t agree with its conclusions and are more critical of evidence that undermines our point of view. So birthers dismiss evidence offered by Hawaiian officials that Obama’s birth certificate is real, and death-penalty foes are adept at finding flaws in studies that conclude capital punishment deters crime. While motivated reasoning may cloud our view of reality and keep us from objectively assessing evidence, Mercier says, by attuning us to flaws (real or not) in that evidence it prepares us to mount a scorched-earth strategy in arguments.
    Even the sunk-cost fallacy, which has tripped up everyone from supporters of a losing war ("We’ve already lost so many lives, it would be a betrayal to withdraw") to a losing stock ("I’ve held onto it this long"), reflects reasoning that turns its back on logic but wins arguments because the emotions it appeals to are universal. If Mercier and Sperber are right, the sunk-cost fallacy, confirmation bias, and the other forms of irrationality will be with us as long as humans like to argue. That is, forever.
    Questions:  What is Hugo Mercier’s explanation of humans’ failure of rational thought
 

答案: He explains that humans’ failures of rational thought have a...
问答题

In seeking to describe the origins of theater, one must rely primarily on speculation, since there is little concrete evidence on which to draw. The most widely accepted theory, championed by anthropologists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, envisions theater as emerging out of myth and ritual. The process perceived by these anthropologists may be summarized briefly. During the early stages of its development, a society becomes aware of forces that appear to influence or control its food supply and well-being. Having little understanding of natural causes, it attributes both desirable and undesirable occurrences to supernatural or magical forces, and it searches for means to win the favor of these forces. Perceiving an apparent connection between certain actions performed by the group and the result it desires, the group repeats, refines and formalizes those actions into fixed ceremonies, or rituals.
    Stories (myths) may then grow up around a ritual. Frequently the myths include representatives of those supernatural forces that the rites celebrate or hope to influence. Performers may wear costumes and masks to represent the mythical characters or supernatural forces in the rituals or in accompanying celebrations. As a person becomes more sophisticated, its conceptions of supernatural forces and causal relationships may change. As a result, it may abandon or modify some rites. But the myths that have grown up around the rites may continue as part of the group’s oral tradition and may even come to be acted out under conditions divorced from these rites. When this occurs, the first step has been taken toward theater as an autonomous activity, and thereafter entertainment and aesthetic values may gradually replace the former mystical and socially efficacious concerns.
    Although origin in ritual has long been the most popular, it is by no means the only theory about how the theater came into being. Storytelling has been proposed as one alternative. Under this theory, relating and listening to stories are seen as fundamental human pleasures. Thus, the recalling of an event (a hunt, battle, or other feat) is elaborated through the narrator’s pantomime and impersonation and eventually through each role being assumed by a different person.
    A closely related theory sees theater as evolving out of dances that are primarily pantomimic, rhythmical or gymnastic, or from imitations of animal noises and sounds. Admiration for the performer’s skill, virtuosity, and grace are seen as motivation for elaborating the activities into fully realized theatrical performances.
    In addition to exploring the possible antecedents of theater, scholars have also theorized about the motives that led people to develop theater. Why did theater develop, and why was it valued after it ceased to fulfill the function of ritual Most answers fall back on the theories about the human mind and basic human needs. One, set forth by Aristotle in the fourth century B.C., sees humans as naturally imitative—as taking pleasure in imitating persons, things, and actions and in seeing such imitations. Another, advanced in the twentieth century, suggests that humans have a gift for fantasy, through which they seek to reshape reality into more satisfying forms than those encountered in daily life. Thus, fantasy or fiction (of which drama is one form) permits people to objectify their anxieties and fears, confront them, and fulfill their hopes in fiction if not fact. The theater, then, is one tool whereby people define and understand their world or escape from unpleasant realities.
    But neither the human imitative instinct nor a penchant for fantasy by itself leads to an autonomous theater. Therefore, additional explanations are needed. One necessary condition seems to be a somewhat detached view of human problems. For example, one sign of this condition is the appearance of the comic vision, since comedy requires sufficient detachment to view some deviations from social norms as ridiculous rather than as serious threats to the welfare of the entire group. Another condition that contributes to the development of autonomous theater is the emergence of the aesthetic sense. For example, some early societies ceased to consider certain rites essential to their well-being and abandoned them, nevertheless, they retained as parts of their oral tradition the myths that had grown up around the rites and admired them for their artistic qualities rather than for their religious usefulness.
    Questions:  According to the passage, what may cause societies to abandon certain rites
 

答案: As the experience of people increases, they develop a new un...
问答题

The search for latent prints is done in a systematic and intelligent manner. Investigators develop techniques to locate traces of fingerprints at a crime scene. The basic premise in searching for latent prints is to examine more carefully those areas, which would most likely be touched by persons who have been on the scene. The natural manner in which a person would use and place his hands in making an entrance or exit from a building or in handling any object is the key to the discovery of latent prints.
    Where a forced entrance has been made, latent prints are likely to be found on any surface adjacent to or at that point. Any object with a smooth, non-porous surface is likely to retain latent prints if touched. Fingerprints on rough surfaces are usually of little value. If the fingermark does not disclose ridge detail when viewed under a reading glass, the chances are that its value in identification is nil when photographed. Where fingermarks are found, it will be necessary for the investigator to compare them against the ones of persons having legitimate access to the premises so that the traces might be eliminated as having evidentiary value if they prove to be from these persons. Places to search for prints on an automobile are the rear View mirror, steering wheel hub, steering column, windshield dashboard and the like.
    Dusting of surface may be done with a fine brush or with an atomizer. The whit powders used are basically finely powdered white lead, talc, or chalk. Another light powder is basically Chemist’s gray. A good black powder is composed of lampblack, graphite, and powdered acacia. Dragon’s blood is good powder for white surface and can be fixed on paper by heating. In developing latent prints, the accepted method is to use the powder sparingly and brush lightly. Do not use powder if the fingermark is Visible under oblique lighting. It can be photographed. A good policy for the novice is to experiment with his own prints on a surface similar to the one he wishes to search in order to determine the powder best suited to the surface. Fingerprints after dusting may be lifted by using fresh cellulose tape or commercially prepared material especially designed to lift and transfer dusted latent fingerprints.
    In addition to latent prints, the investigator must not overlook the possibility of two other types of fingerprint traces: molded impression and visible impression. Molded impressions are formed by the pressure of the finger upon comparatively soft, pliable, or plastic surfaces producing an actual mold of the fingerprint pattern. These can be recorded by photograph without treating the surface. It is usually most effective in revealing the impressions clearly. Visible impressions are formed when the finger is covered with some substance which is transferred to the surface contacted. Fingers smeared with blood, grease, dirt, paint, and the like will leave a Visible impression. If these impressions are clear and sharp, they are photographed under light without any treatment. Ordinarily, prints of this type are blurred or smeared and do not contain enough detail for identification by comparison. However, they can not be overlooked or brushed aside without first being examined carefully.
    Questions:  How many fingermarks are mentioned in this passage What are they
 

答案: Three: latent prints, molded impressions and visible impress...
问答题

Women are bad drivers, Saddam plotted 9/11, Obama was not born in America, and Iraq had weapons of mass destruction: to believe any of these requires suspending some of our critical-thinking faculties and succumbing instead to the kind of irrationality that drives the logically minded crazy. It helps, for instance, to use confirmation bias (seeing and recalling only evidence that supports your beliefs, so you can recount examples of women driving 40mph in the fast lane). It also helps not to test your beliefs against empirical data (where, exactly, are the WMD, after seven years of U. S. forces crawling all over Iraq); not to subject beliefs to the plausibility test (faking Obama’s birth certificate would require how widespread a conspiracy); and to be guided by emotion (the loss of thousands of American lives in Iraq feels more justified ff we are avenging 9/11).
    The fact that humans are subject to all these failures of rational thought seems to make no sense. Reason is supposed to be the highest achievement of the human mind, and the route to knowledge and wise decisions. But as psychologists have been documenting since the 1960s, humans are really, really bad at reasoning. It’s not just that we follow our emotions so often, in contexts from voting to ethics. No, even when we intend to deploy the full force of our rational faculties, we are often as ineffectual as eunuchs at an orgy.
    An idea sweeping through the ranks of philosophers and cognitive scientists suggests why this is so. The reason we succumb to confirmation bias, why we are blind to counterexamples, and why we fall short of Cartesian logic in so many other ways is that these lapses have a purpose: they help us "devise and evaluate arguments that are intended to persuade other people," says psychologist Hugo Mercier of the University of Pennsylvania. Failures of logic, he and cognitive scientist Dan Sperber of the Institute Jean Nicod in Paris propose, are in fact effective ploys to win arguments.
    That puts poor reasoning in a completely different light. Arguing, after all, is less about seeking truth than about overcoming opposing views. So while confirmation bias, for instance, may mislead us about what’s true and real, by letting examples that support our view monopolize our memory and perception, it maximizes the artillery we wield when trying to convince someone that, say, he really is "late all the time." Confirmation bias "has a straightforward explanation," argues Mercier. "It contributes to effective argumentation."
    Another form of flawed reasoning shows up in logic puzzles. Consider the syllogism "No C are B; all B are A; therefore some A are not C." Is it true Fewer than 10 percent of us figure out that it is, says Mercier. One reason is that to evaluate its validity requires constructing counterexamples (finding an A that is a C, for instance). But finding counterexamples can, in general, weaken our confidence in our own arguments. Forms of reasoning that are good for solving logic puzzles but bad for winning arguments lost out, over the course of evolution, to those that help us be persuasive but cause us to struggle with abstract syllogisms. Interestingly, syllogisms are easier to evaluate in the form "No flying things are penguins; all penguins are birds; so some birds are not fliers." That’s because we are more likely to argue about animals than A, B, and C.
    The sort of faulty thinking called motivated reasoning also impedes our search for truth but advances arguments. For instance, we tend to look harder for flaws in a study when we don’t agree with its conclusions and are more critical of evidence that undermines our point of view. So birthers dismiss evidence offered by Hawaiian officials that Obama’s birth certificate is real, and death-penalty foes are adept at finding flaws in studies that conclude capital punishment deters crime. While motivated reasoning may cloud our view of reality and keep us from objectively assessing evidence, Mercier says, by attuning us to flaws (real or not) in that evidence it prepares us to mount a scorched-earth strategy in arguments.
    Even the sunk-cost fallacy, which has tripped up everyone from supporters of a losing war ("We’ve already lost so many lives, it would be a betrayal to withdraw") to a losing stock ("I’ve held onto it this long"), reflects reasoning that turns its back on logic but wins arguments because the emotions it appeals to are universal. If Mercier and Sperber are right, the sunk-cost fallacy, confirmation bias, and the other forms of irrationality will be with us as long as humans like to argue. That is, forever.
    Questions:  Why does the author give examples of logic puzzles
 

答案: By the examples of logic puzzles, the author wants to suppor...
问答题

If there were an Oscar for most consistently profitable Hollywood studio, it probably would go to 20th Century Fox. Hollywood is a hit-driven business, and most studios bounce from box-office hit to dud with depressing regularity. But for the past seven years, Fox has scored with both blockbusters (Alvin and the Chipmunks) and indie hits (Juno) that have generated the kind of double-digit return on investment you might expect from a business making widgets, not films. Tom Pollock, a former Universal Pictures chairman who produces movies for Fox and other studios, says: "Fox is simply the best-run studio in town."
    You were expecting anything less from Rupert Murdoch’s guys "At Fox, the mantra is ’to be creatively driven but fiscally astute’", says James N. Gianopulos, who co-chairs the studio with Thomas Rothman of Fox Filmed Entertainment (NWS). Translation: to be almost pathologically obsessed with costs. Not that the co-chairs run from risk. They outbid most of Hollywood in 2004 for the script to the apocalyptic The Day After Tomorrow, but made it for $100 million, relatively cheap for a special-effects picture. It grossed more than haft a billion dollars worldwide.
    STEADY HARDBALL
    Double-digit profits are rare in Hollywood. Yet for the past six years, Fox has delivered 12% to 18% operating margins. Halfway through its fiscal year, it earned operating income of $765 million on nearly $3.6 billion in revenues—a 21.5% operating margin. And that doesn’t include Horton Hears a Who!, which grossed a hefty $45 million on its Mar. 14 opening weekend and was made for just over $85 million, nearly haft what an animated Pixar Animation Studios (PIXR) film costs.
    "No one in Hollywood negotiates tougher than these guys," says producer John Davis, who made I, Robot and Garfield: A Tale of Two Kitties for Fox. The hardballing starts with development, which Davis says typically costs Fox 10% to 15% less than usual because it holds the line on costly rewrites. On top of that, Fox rarely gives anyone but the biggies—Steven Spielberg, say—a piece of the profits. It also sets tough budgets and sticks with them. For his Lord of the Rings-esque Eragon, Davis had a $100 million budget, which forced him to cut some special effects and limit stars such as John Malkovich to cameos. It earned just $ 75 million domestically but did well globally.
    Special effects often eat up an action film’s budget. Not at Fox. The studio learned its lesson 10 years ago with Titanic, which cost Fox and Paramount Pictures (VIA) a then-unthinkable $200 million to make. After Titanic, Fox hired an in-house effects czar, whose main job is riding herd on special effects houses, often playing them against each other to get the best price. "They beat you over the head," says X-Men producer Avi Arad. "ff it costs $30 million, they’ll ask why it can’t cost $20 million." To keep downtime to a minimum, Arad used several shops on Fantastic 4: Rise of the Silver Surfer.
    Fox’s biggest hits are its smallest films. Peter Rice runs the studio’s independent unit, Fox Searchlight Pictures (NWS), which is in the business of finding tiny films, like Little Miss Sunshine, that were made on a shoestring. Rice’s limit: $15 million. His latest triumph: Juno. It cost $7. 5 million to produce and pulled in $135 million-plus in the U. S. alone.
    Which brings us to marketing, an expense that has been known to account for one-third of a film’s overall budget. While executives say they pay full freight for ads on Fox’s far-flung global properties, their stars pop up all over. Samuel L. Jackson, who starred in the flick Jumper, walked the carpet at the Super Bowl on the Fox Network. And wasn’t that Jim Carrey, who provided Horton’s voice, recently grinning insanely in the audience of Fox’s megahit American Idol
    Fox has stumbled before. Its 2005 picture Kingdom of Heaven bombed in the U. S. and cost a very unFoxlike $130 million to make. But even then, Fox turned things around. It had loaded the film with international stars, including Orlando Bloom, so it made enough outside the U. S. to break even.
    Questions:  What experience did Fox get from Titanic’
 

答案: Fox takes some measures to control the costs of making films...
问答题

There is probably no life of our type in the solar system outside Earth itself. But is there life on planets circling other stars Before we can really try to answer that, we have to ask if there are planets circling other stars. Over five hundred years ago, Nicholas of Cusa took it for granted that there were. Modem astronomers think he is likely to have been right, for if our solar system was formed from a cloud of dust and gas that automatically formed planets, that should be true of many other stars as well, and even, perhaps, of nearly all stars.
    But that is risky reasoning. It would be much better if one star, aside from our own sun, were actually found to have a planetary system. Unfortunately, even with our present-day instruments, we can’t see any planets circling other stars.
    If, however, there are planets circling most stars, what does that tell us about the possibility of life on those planets
    Life certainly can’t exist on any world that is part of another planetary system, just as it cannot exist on any world in our own planetary system. The planet has to be suitable for life.
    For one thing, a planet would have to have a reasonably stable orbit. If it had an erratic orbit, there might be times when its temperature would rise above the boiling point of water or, at other times, drop below Antarctic temperatures, and there would not be much chance of finding life as we know it. What’s more, a planet would have to be massive enough to hold on to an atmosphere and an ocean, but not so massive that it collected hydrogen and helium.
    But even assuming that a planet is the right size and has the proper chemical composition and a stable orbit neither too far from its star nor too close, so that its temperature is at all times in the range of liquid water (as is true of Earth except for the polar regions), a great deal would still depend on the kind of star it was revolving about. Stars that are much more massive than the sun, for instance, would not be very apt to have such planets; their lives on the main sequence are too short. After all, here on Earth, organisms as advanced as primitive shellfish did not appear until life had existed on the planet for 3 billion years. If that is the normal rate of evolution, then a planet circling a star such as Sirius could never have life advanced beyond the simplest form of bacterial life, for after a mere half-billion years, Sirius would become a red giant and destroy the planet.
    Furthermore, if a star is very small and dim, a planet must be very close to it to get enough light and heat to support life as we know it. But at that close distance, tidal effects would cause the planet to face only one side to the sun, so that half the planet would be too hot and half too cold. In other words, we need stars about the size of our sun.
    Then again, such stars cannot be part of close binaries or in other regions where there would be too much energetic radiation from surrounding stars. Suppose we decide that only one out of three hundred stars has a chance of possessing a planet that would be hospitable to our kind of life, and only one out of three hundred of such stars has a planet of the right size, chemical composition, and temperature to actually support life. That might still mean the existence of millions of life-bearing planets scattered among the stars.
    However, what are the chances that on one of these planets intelligent life has developed, capable of developing a technology like ours
    There are no optimistic answers to that question. After all, Earth had to exist for 4. 6 billion years before a life form appeared that was capable of developing technology.
    Even if the chances of its happening are small, it might still be that thousands of technologies have developed among the stars, but then there’s a still more difficult question: how long would such technologies endure
    Intelligent beings, as they learn to dispose of great sources of energy, might use them for self-destructive purposes. Certainly, now that mankind has developed advanced technologies, we have begun to use them in ruinous wars and are in the process of destroying our environment with them. If this is typical, then the universe might be full of life-bearing planets that have not yet achieved a technology, and equally full of others that have already achieved an advanced technology and have destroyed themselves. There would be only a very, very few besides ourselves who had achieved the technology and had not yet had time to destroy themselves.
    Perhaps aliens have not appeared because the distances between the stars is too great to cross, or they have reached us and decided to let us develop in peace, or have failed to appear for any number of other reasons. We can’t be sure that simply because no alien is here, there are no aliens somewhere out there.
    Questions:  Why are small stars unlikely to have life on surrounding planets
 

答案: Because if the stars are small, they will not be able to giv...
问答题

It may be no surprise that the best-selling computer book so far this year is iPhone: The Missing Manual, by my colleague David Pogue.
    But here is something that did surprise me: the most popular edition of this book isn’t on paper or the PDF file that O’Reilly Media also sells. It is the downloadable application for the iPhone, according to Tim O’Reilly, the chief executive of O’Reilly Media.
    Amid all the discussion of micropayments and other ways that the creators of news and other content can be paid for their work, the iTunes App store is shaping up to be a surprisingly viable way to sell all sorts of information and entertainment.
    There is a lot more content of the sort you would have bought in the past but now you can get free on the Web: a directory of Congressional offices, standup comedy routines, gym workout videos, Zagat restaurant guides and a growing library of books. There is also a fair bit of free content, public-domain e-books like the complete works of Shakespeare and lots of advertising-supported media. (Business Week has a report this week on the App store’s role in music.)
    What’s most interesting is how iPhone users are willing to spend money in ways that Web users are not.
    I’ve criticized Apple from time to time for not having a coherent approach to delivering free content with advertising. But in some ways, the development of a market for paid content is a bigger and less expected achievement.
    Why has this happened Apple has created an environment that makes buying digital goods easy and common. With an infrastructure that supports one-click purchases of songs and videos, it was easy to add applications in the same paradigm. Paying for software, especially games, is not new to Apple customers. So when you see the iPhone manual or the Frommer’s Paris guidebook, it feels natural to click. (And of course, your credit card is already on file with Apple.)
    There are certainly other precedents. Many people who steal songs through Limewire nonetheless pay $1.99 to use the same tunes as ringtones. And for avid book readers, Amazon’s Kindle has found a market willing to pay for electronic books. Apple is also starting to sell subscriptions to bundles of music, video and images from certain bands, like Depeche Mode. This is technically a product of the Music store, not the App store, but it still shows how people may be willing to pay for various bundles of content online.
    There is a lot of work to do here. For example, I find the O’Reilly iPhone book a little hard to use. The text doesn’t seem particularly well-formatted for the iPhone page. And I would love to see more interactive features that utilize the phone interface (including some of David’s videos).
    Andrew Savikas, O’Reilly’s vice president for digital initiatives, agrees with me, saying that the iPhone manual was rushed to get it out before Christmas. The company now has 20 titles in development for the iPhone (and eventually other mobile phones), and it is spending more time weaving in hyperlinks and adding other features.
    "There is a lot more we can do to take advantage of this as a new medium," he said. O’Reilly, which sells to a lot of early adopters, has a range of digital distribution media.
    "We try to say all of our writing is writing for the Web, and all of our publishing is digital publishing, so all our focus is building things into the content that make it more friendly to be digital," he said.
    Before media companies rejoice that Apple has found a way to persuade a generation used to getting everything free on the Web to pay for some content, they should look a bit more closely at O’Reilly’s experience with the iPhone manual.
    The book, which sells for $ 24.99, was initially offered as an iPhone app for $4.99. When the publisher raised the price to $ 9.99, sales fell 75 percent. O’Reilly quickly dropped the price back down to the lower level.
    "This audience is very price sensitive," Mr. Savikas said.
    So even if all content doesn’t have to be free, it may well have to be cheap.
    Questions:  What does the author mean by saying "The development of a market for paid content is a bigger and less expected achievement"(Paragraph 6)
 

答案: By saying this, the author means that the market for paid co...
问答题

Women are bad drivers, Saddam plotted 9/11, Obama was not born in America, and Iraq had weapons of mass destruction: to believe any of these requires suspending some of our critical-thinking faculties and succumbing instead to the kind of irrationality that drives the logically minded crazy. It helps, for instance, to use confirmation bias (seeing and recalling only evidence that supports your beliefs, so you can recount examples of women driving 40mph in the fast lane). It also helps not to test your beliefs against empirical data (where, exactly, are the WMD, after seven years of U. S. forces crawling all over Iraq); not to subject beliefs to the plausibility test (faking Obama’s birth certificate would require how widespread a conspiracy); and to be guided by emotion (the loss of thousands of American lives in Iraq feels more justified ff we are avenging 9/11).
    The fact that humans are subject to all these failures of rational thought seems to make no sense. Reason is supposed to be the highest achievement of the human mind, and the route to knowledge and wise decisions. But as psychologists have been documenting since the 1960s, humans are really, really bad at reasoning. It’s not just that we follow our emotions so often, in contexts from voting to ethics. No, even when we intend to deploy the full force of our rational faculties, we are often as ineffectual as eunuchs at an orgy.
    An idea sweeping through the ranks of philosophers and cognitive scientists suggests why this is so. The reason we succumb to confirmation bias, why we are blind to counterexamples, and why we fall short of Cartesian logic in so many other ways is that these lapses have a purpose: they help us "devise and evaluate arguments that are intended to persuade other people," says psychologist Hugo Mercier of the University of Pennsylvania. Failures of logic, he and cognitive scientist Dan Sperber of the Institute Jean Nicod in Paris propose, are in fact effective ploys to win arguments.
    That puts poor reasoning in a completely different light. Arguing, after all, is less about seeking truth than about overcoming opposing views. So while confirmation bias, for instance, may mislead us about what’s true and real, by letting examples that support our view monopolize our memory and perception, it maximizes the artillery we wield when trying to convince someone that, say, he really is "late all the time." Confirmation bias "has a straightforward explanation," argues Mercier. "It contributes to effective argumentation."
    Another form of flawed reasoning shows up in logic puzzles. Consider the syllogism "No C are B; all B are A; therefore some A are not C." Is it true Fewer than 10 percent of us figure out that it is, says Mercier. One reason is that to evaluate its validity requires constructing counterexamples (finding an A that is a C, for instance). But finding counterexamples can, in general, weaken our confidence in our own arguments. Forms of reasoning that are good for solving logic puzzles but bad for winning arguments lost out, over the course of evolution, to those that help us be persuasive but cause us to struggle with abstract syllogisms. Interestingly, syllogisms are easier to evaluate in the form "No flying things are penguins; all penguins are birds; so some birds are not fliers." That’s because we are more likely to argue about animals than A, B, and C.
    The sort of faulty thinking called motivated reasoning also impedes our search for truth but advances arguments. For instance, we tend to look harder for flaws in a study when we don’t agree with its conclusions and are more critical of evidence that undermines our point of view. So birthers dismiss evidence offered by Hawaiian officials that Obama’s birth certificate is real, and death-penalty foes are adept at finding flaws in studies that conclude capital punishment deters crime. While motivated reasoning may cloud our view of reality and keep us from objectively assessing evidence, Mercier says, by attuning us to flaws (real or not) in that evidence it prepares us to mount a scorched-earth strategy in arguments.
    Even the sunk-cost fallacy, which has tripped up everyone from supporters of a losing war ("We’ve already lost so many lives, it would be a betrayal to withdraw") to a losing stock ("I’ve held onto it this long"), reflects reasoning that turns its back on logic but wins arguments because the emotions it appeals to are universal. If Mercier and Sperber are right, the sunk-cost fallacy, confirmation bias, and the other forms of irrationality will be with us as long as humans like to argue. That is, forever.
    Questions:  How many types of flawed reasoning does the author introduce in the article What are they
 

答案: Four types. They are confirmation bias, flawed reasoning ref...
问答题

There is probably no life of our type in the solar system outside Earth itself. But is there life on planets circling other stars Before we can really try to answer that, we have to ask if there are planets circling other stars. Over five hundred years ago, Nicholas of Cusa took it for granted that there were. Modem astronomers think he is likely to have been right, for if our solar system was formed from a cloud of dust and gas that automatically formed planets, that should be true of many other stars as well, and even, perhaps, of nearly all stars.
    But that is risky reasoning. It would be much better if one star, aside from our own sun, were actually found to have a planetary system. Unfortunately, even with our present-day instruments, we can’t see any planets circling other stars.
    If, however, there are planets circling most stars, what does that tell us about the possibility of life on those planets
    Life certainly can’t exist on any world that is part of another planetary system, just as it cannot exist on any world in our own planetary system. The planet has to be suitable for life.
    For one thing, a planet would have to have a reasonably stable orbit. If it had an erratic orbit, there might be times when its temperature would rise above the boiling point of water or, at other times, drop below Antarctic temperatures, and there would not be much chance of finding life as we know it. What’s more, a planet would have to be massive enough to hold on to an atmosphere and an ocean, but not so massive that it collected hydrogen and helium.
    But even assuming that a planet is the right size and has the proper chemical composition and a stable orbit neither too far from its star nor too close, so that its temperature is at all times in the range of liquid water (as is true of Earth except for the polar regions), a great deal would still depend on the kind of star it was revolving about. Stars that are much more massive than the sun, for instance, would not be very apt to have such planets; their lives on the main sequence are too short. After all, here on Earth, organisms as advanced as primitive shellfish did not appear until life had existed on the planet for 3 billion years. If that is the normal rate of evolution, then a planet circling a star such as Sirius could never have life advanced beyond the simplest form of bacterial life, for after a mere half-billion years, Sirius would become a red giant and destroy the planet.
    Furthermore, if a star is very small and dim, a planet must be very close to it to get enough light and heat to support life as we know it. But at that close distance, tidal effects would cause the planet to face only one side to the sun, so that half the planet would be too hot and half too cold. In other words, we need stars about the size of our sun.
    Then again, such stars cannot be part of close binaries or in other regions where there would be too much energetic radiation from surrounding stars. Suppose we decide that only one out of three hundred stars has a chance of possessing a planet that would be hospitable to our kind of life, and only one out of three hundred of such stars has a planet of the right size, chemical composition, and temperature to actually support life. That might still mean the existence of millions of life-bearing planets scattered among the stars.
    However, what are the chances that on one of these planets intelligent life has developed, capable of developing a technology like ours
    There are no optimistic answers to that question. After all, Earth had to exist for 4. 6 billion years before a life form appeared that was capable of developing technology.
    Even if the chances of its happening are small, it might still be that thousands of technologies have developed among the stars, but then there’s a still more difficult question: how long would such technologies endure
    Intelligent beings, as they learn to dispose of great sources of energy, might use them for self-destructive purposes. Certainly, now that mankind has developed advanced technologies, we have begun to use them in ruinous wars and are in the process of destroying our environment with them. If this is typical, then the universe might be full of life-bearing planets that have not yet achieved a technology, and equally full of others that have already achieved an advanced technology and have destroyed themselves. There would be only a very, very few besides ourselves who had achieved the technology and had not yet had time to destroy themselves.
    Perhaps aliens have not appeared because the distances between the stars is too great to cross, or they have reached us and decided to let us develop in peace, or have failed to appear for any number of other reasons. We can’t be sure that simply because no alien is here, there are no aliens somewhere out there.
    Questions:  What can we infer from Paragraph 12
 

答案: We can infer that technological development can lead to the ...
问答题

If there were an Oscar for most consistently profitable Hollywood studio, it probably would go to 20th Century Fox. Hollywood is a hit-driven business, and most studios bounce from box-office hit to dud with depressing regularity. But for the past seven years, Fox has scored with both blockbusters (Alvin and the Chipmunks) and indie hits (Juno) that have generated the kind of double-digit return on investment you might expect from a business making widgets, not films. Tom Pollock, a former Universal Pictures chairman who produces movies for Fox and other studios, says: "Fox is simply the best-run studio in town."
    You were expecting anything less from Rupert Murdoch’s guys "At Fox, the mantra is ’to be creatively driven but fiscally astute’", says James N. Gianopulos, who co-chairs the studio with Thomas Rothman of Fox Filmed Entertainment (NWS). Translation: to be almost pathologically obsessed with costs. Not that the co-chairs run from risk. They outbid most of Hollywood in 2004 for the script to the apocalyptic The Day After Tomorrow, but made it for $100 million, relatively cheap for a special-effects picture. It grossed more than haft a billion dollars worldwide.
    STEADY HARDBALL
    Double-digit profits are rare in Hollywood. Yet for the past six years, Fox has delivered 12% to 18% operating margins. Halfway through its fiscal year, it earned operating income of $765 million on nearly $3.6 billion in revenues—a 21.5% operating margin. And that doesn’t include Horton Hears a Who!, which grossed a hefty $45 million on its Mar. 14 opening weekend and was made for just over $85 million, nearly haft what an animated Pixar Animation Studios (PIXR) film costs.
    "No one in Hollywood negotiates tougher than these guys," says producer John Davis, who made I, Robot and Garfield: A Tale of Two Kitties for Fox. The hardballing starts with development, which Davis says typically costs Fox 10% to 15% less than usual because it holds the line on costly rewrites. On top of that, Fox rarely gives anyone but the biggies—Steven Spielberg, say—a piece of the profits. It also sets tough budgets and sticks with them. For his Lord of the Rings-esque Eragon, Davis had a $100 million budget, which forced him to cut some special effects and limit stars such as John Malkovich to cameos. It earned just $ 75 million domestically but did well globally.
    Special effects often eat up an action film’s budget. Not at Fox. The studio learned its lesson 10 years ago with Titanic, which cost Fox and Paramount Pictures (VIA) a then-unthinkable $200 million to make. After Titanic, Fox hired an in-house effects czar, whose main job is riding herd on special effects houses, often playing them against each other to get the best price. "They beat you over the head," says X-Men producer Avi Arad. "ff it costs $30 million, they’ll ask why it can’t cost $20 million." To keep downtime to a minimum, Arad used several shops on Fantastic 4: Rise of the Silver Surfer.
    Fox’s biggest hits are its smallest films. Peter Rice runs the studio’s independent unit, Fox Searchlight Pictures (NWS), which is in the business of finding tiny films, like Little Miss Sunshine, that were made on a shoestring. Rice’s limit: $15 million. His latest triumph: Juno. It cost $7. 5 million to produce and pulled in $135 million-plus in the U. S. alone.
    Which brings us to marketing, an expense that has been known to account for one-third of a film’s overall budget. While executives say they pay full freight for ads on Fox’s far-flung global properties, their stars pop up all over. Samuel L. Jackson, who starred in the flick Jumper, walked the carpet at the Super Bowl on the Fox Network. And wasn’t that Jim Carrey, who provided Horton’s voice, recently grinning insanely in the audience of Fox’s megahit American Idol
    Fox has stumbled before. Its 2005 picture Kingdom of Heaven bombed in the U. S. and cost a very unFoxlike $130 million to make. But even then, Fox turned things around. It had loaded the film with international stars, including Orlando Bloom, so it made enough outside the U. S. to break even.
    Questions:  Cite examples to illustrate the statement "Fox biggest hits are its smallest films." (Para. 6)
 

答案: To illustrate the statement, the author listed some hit smal...
问答题

The search for latent prints is done in a systematic and intelligent manner. Investigators develop techniques to locate traces of fingerprints at a crime scene. The basic premise in searching for latent prints is to examine more carefully those areas, which would most likely be touched by persons who have been on the scene. The natural manner in which a person would use and place his hands in making an entrance or exit from a building or in handling any object is the key to the discovery of latent prints.
    Where a forced entrance has been made, latent prints are likely to be found on any surface adjacent to or at that point. Any object with a smooth, non-porous surface is likely to retain latent prints if touched. Fingerprints on rough surfaces are usually of little value. If the fingermark does not disclose ridge detail when viewed under a reading glass, the chances are that its value in identification is nil when photographed. Where fingermarks are found, it will be necessary for the investigator to compare them against the ones of persons having legitimate access to the premises so that the traces might be eliminated as having evidentiary value if they prove to be from these persons. Places to search for prints on an automobile are the rear View mirror, steering wheel hub, steering column, windshield dashboard and the like.
    Dusting of surface may be done with a fine brush or with an atomizer. The whit powders used are basically finely powdered white lead, talc, or chalk. Another light powder is basically Chemist’s gray. A good black powder is composed of lampblack, graphite, and powdered acacia. Dragon’s blood is good powder for white surface and can be fixed on paper by heating. In developing latent prints, the accepted method is to use the powder sparingly and brush lightly. Do not use powder if the fingermark is Visible under oblique lighting. It can be photographed. A good policy for the novice is to experiment with his own prints on a surface similar to the one he wishes to search in order to determine the powder best suited to the surface. Fingerprints after dusting may be lifted by using fresh cellulose tape or commercially prepared material especially designed to lift and transfer dusted latent fingerprints.
    In addition to latent prints, the investigator must not overlook the possibility of two other types of fingerprint traces: molded impression and visible impression. Molded impressions are formed by the pressure of the finger upon comparatively soft, pliable, or plastic surfaces producing an actual mold of the fingerprint pattern. These can be recorded by photograph without treating the surface. It is usually most effective in revealing the impressions clearly. Visible impressions are formed when the finger is covered with some substance which is transferred to the surface contacted. Fingers smeared with blood, grease, dirt, paint, and the like will leave a Visible impression. If these impressions are clear and sharp, they are photographed under light without any treatment. Ordinarily, prints of this type are blurred or smeared and do not contain enough detail for identification by comparison. However, they can not be overlooked or brushed aside without first being examined carefully.
    Questions:  Which type of fingerprints is most likely to retain Why
 

答案: Latent fingerprints. From the description in Paragraph 3, we...
问答题

In seeking to describe the origins of theater, one must rely primarily on speculation, since there is little concrete evidence on which to draw. The most widely accepted theory, championed by anthropologists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, envisions theater as emerging out of myth and ritual. The process perceived by these anthropologists may be summarized briefly. During the early stages of its development, a society becomes aware of forces that appear to influence or control its food supply and well-being. Having little understanding of natural causes, it attributes both desirable and undesirable occurrences to supernatural or magical forces, and it searches for means to win the favor of these forces. Perceiving an apparent connection between certain actions performed by the group and the result it desires, the group repeats, refines and formalizes those actions into fixed ceremonies, or rituals.
    Stories (myths) may then grow up around a ritual. Frequently the myths include representatives of those supernatural forces that the rites celebrate or hope to influence. Performers may wear costumes and masks to represent the mythical characters or supernatural forces in the rituals or in accompanying celebrations. As a person becomes more sophisticated, its conceptions of supernatural forces and causal relationships may change. As a result, it may abandon or modify some rites. But the myths that have grown up around the rites may continue as part of the group’s oral tradition and may even come to be acted out under conditions divorced from these rites. When this occurs, the first step has been taken toward theater as an autonomous activity, and thereafter entertainment and aesthetic values may gradually replace the former mystical and socially efficacious concerns.
    Although origin in ritual has long been the most popular, it is by no means the only theory about how the theater came into being. Storytelling has been proposed as one alternative. Under this theory, relating and listening to stories are seen as fundamental human pleasures. Thus, the recalling of an event (a hunt, battle, or other feat) is elaborated through the narrator’s pantomime and impersonation and eventually through each role being assumed by a different person.
    A closely related theory sees theater as evolving out of dances that are primarily pantomimic, rhythmical or gymnastic, or from imitations of animal noises and sounds. Admiration for the performer’s skill, virtuosity, and grace are seen as motivation for elaborating the activities into fully realized theatrical performances.
    In addition to exploring the possible antecedents of theater, scholars have also theorized about the motives that led people to develop theater. Why did theater develop, and why was it valued after it ceased to fulfill the function of ritual Most answers fall back on the theories about the human mind and basic human needs. One, set forth by Aristotle in the fourth century B.C., sees humans as naturally imitative—as taking pleasure in imitating persons, things, and actions and in seeing such imitations. Another, advanced in the twentieth century, suggests that humans have a gift for fantasy, through which they seek to reshape reality into more satisfying forms than those encountered in daily life. Thus, fantasy or fiction (of which drama is one form) permits people to objectify their anxieties and fears, confront them, and fulfill their hopes in fiction if not fact. The theater, then, is one tool whereby people define and understand their world or escape from unpleasant realities.
    But neither the human imitative instinct nor a penchant for fantasy by itself leads to an autonomous theater. Therefore, additional explanations are needed. One necessary condition seems to be a somewhat detached view of human problems. For example, one sign of this condition is the appearance of the comic vision, since comedy requires sufficient detachment to view some deviations from social norms as ridiculous rather than as serious threats to the welfare of the entire group. Another condition that contributes to the development of autonomous theater is the emergence of the aesthetic sense. For example, some early societies ceased to consider certain rites essential to their well-being and abandoned them, nevertheless, they retained as parts of their oral tradition the myths that had grown up around the rites and admired them for their artistic qualities rather than for their religious usefulness.
    Questions:  In terms of the theory of motives, what are possible reasons that led societies to develop theater
 

答案: First, man is instinctively imitative and theater provides a...
问答题

It may be no surprise that the best-selling computer book so far this year is iPhone: The Missing Manual, by my colleague David Pogue.
    But here is something that did surprise me: the most popular edition of this book isn’t on paper or the PDF file that O’Reilly Media also sells. It is the downloadable application for the iPhone, according to Tim O’Reilly, the chief executive of O’Reilly Media.
    Amid all the discussion of micropayments and other ways that the creators of news and other content can be paid for their work, the iTunes App store is shaping up to be a surprisingly viable way to sell all sorts of information and entertainment.
    There is a lot more content of the sort you would have bought in the past but now you can get free on the Web: a directory of Congressional offices, standup comedy routines, gym workout videos, Zagat restaurant guides and a growing library of books. There is also a fair bit of free content, public-domain e-books like the complete works of Shakespeare and lots of advertising-supported media. (Business Week has a report this week on the App store’s role in music.)
    What’s most interesting is how iPhone users are willing to spend money in ways that Web users are not.
    I’ve criticized Apple from time to time for not having a coherent approach to delivering free content with advertising. But in some ways, the development of a market for paid content is a bigger and less expected achievement.
    Why has this happened Apple has created an environment that makes buying digital goods easy and common. With an infrastructure that supports one-click purchases of songs and videos, it was easy to add applications in the same paradigm. Paying for software, especially games, is not new to Apple customers. So when you see the iPhone manual or the Frommer’s Paris guidebook, it feels natural to click. (And of course, your credit card is already on file with Apple.)
    There are certainly other precedents. Many people who steal songs through Limewire nonetheless pay $1.99 to use the same tunes as ringtones. And for avid book readers, Amazon’s Kindle has found a market willing to pay for electronic books. Apple is also starting to sell subscriptions to bundles of music, video and images from certain bands, like Depeche Mode. This is technically a product of the Music store, not the App store, but it still shows how people may be willing to pay for various bundles of content online.
    There is a lot of work to do here. For example, I find the O’Reilly iPhone book a little hard to use. The text doesn’t seem particularly well-formatted for the iPhone page. And I would love to see more interactive features that utilize the phone interface (including some of David’s videos).
    Andrew Savikas, O’Reilly’s vice president for digital initiatives, agrees with me, saying that the iPhone manual was rushed to get it out before Christmas. The company now has 20 titles in development for the iPhone (and eventually other mobile phones), and it is spending more time weaving in hyperlinks and adding other features.
    "There is a lot more we can do to take advantage of this as a new medium," he said. O’Reilly, which sells to a lot of early adopters, has a range of digital distribution media.
    "We try to say all of our writing is writing for the Web, and all of our publishing is digital publishing, so all our focus is building things into the content that make it more friendly to be digital," he said.
    Before media companies rejoice that Apple has found a way to persuade a generation used to getting everything free on the Web to pay for some content, they should look a bit more closely at O’Reilly’s experience with the iPhone manual.
    The book, which sells for $ 24.99, was initially offered as an iPhone app for $4.99. When the publisher raised the price to $ 9.99, sales fell 75 percent. O’Reilly quickly dropped the price back down to the lower level.
    "This audience is very price sensitive," Mr. Savikas said.
    So even if all content doesn’t have to be free, it may well have to be cheap.
    Questions:  What is Andrew Savikas’ opinion on the O’Reilly iPhone book
 

答案: Andrew Savikas thinks that there still exist some problems a...
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There is probably no life of our type in the solar system outside Earth itself. But is there life on planets circling other stars Before we can really try to answer that, we have to ask if there are planets circling other stars. Over five hundred years ago, Nicholas of Cusa took it for granted that there were. Modem astronomers think he is likely to have been right, for if our solar system was formed from a cloud of dust and gas that automatically formed planets, that should be true of many other stars as well, and even, perhaps, of nearly all stars.
    But that is risky reasoning. It would be much better if one star, aside from our own sun, were actually found to have a planetary system. Unfortunately, even with our present-day instruments, we can’t see any planets circling other stars.
    If, however, there are planets circling most stars, what does that tell us about the possibility of life on those planets
    Life certainly can’t exist on any world that is part of another planetary system, just as it cannot exist on any world in our own planetary system. The planet has to be suitable for life.
    For one thing, a planet would have to have a reasonably stable orbit. If it had an erratic orbit, there might be times when its temperature would rise above the boiling point of water or, at other times, drop below Antarctic temperatures, and there would not be much chance of finding life as we know it. What’s more, a planet would have to be massive enough to hold on to an atmosphere and an ocean, but not so massive that it collected hydrogen and helium.
    But even assuming that a planet is the right size and has the proper chemical composition and a stable orbit neither too far from its star nor too close, so that its temperature is at all times in the range of liquid water (as is true of Earth except for the polar regions), a great deal would still depend on the kind of star it was revolving about. Stars that are much more massive than the sun, for instance, would not be very apt to have such planets; their lives on the main sequence are too short. After all, here on Earth, organisms as advanced as primitive shellfish did not appear until life had existed on the planet for 3 billion years. If that is the normal rate of evolution, then a planet circling a star such as Sirius could never have life advanced beyond the simplest form of bacterial life, for after a mere half-billion years, Sirius would become a red giant and destroy the planet.
    Furthermore, if a star is very small and dim, a planet must be very close to it to get enough light and heat to support life as we know it. But at that close distance, tidal effects would cause the planet to face only one side to the sun, so that half the planet would be too hot and half too cold. In other words, we need stars about the size of our sun.
    Then again, such stars cannot be part of close binaries or in other regions where there would be too much energetic radiation from surrounding stars. Suppose we decide that only one out of three hundred stars has a chance of possessing a planet that would be hospitable to our kind of life, and only one out of three hundred of such stars has a planet of the right size, chemical composition, and temperature to actually support life. That might still mean the existence of millions of life-bearing planets scattered among the stars.
    However, what are the chances that on one of these planets intelligent life has developed, capable of developing a technology like ours
    There are no optimistic answers to that question. After all, Earth had to exist for 4. 6 billion years before a life form appeared that was capable of developing technology.
    Even if the chances of its happening are small, it might still be that thousands of technologies have developed among the stars, but then there’s a still more difficult question: how long would such technologies endure
    Intelligent beings, as they learn to dispose of great sources of energy, might use them for self-destructive purposes. Certainly, now that mankind has developed advanced technologies, we have begun to use them in ruinous wars and are in the process of destroying our environment with them. If this is typical, then the universe might be full of life-bearing planets that have not yet achieved a technology, and equally full of others that have already achieved an advanced technology and have destroyed themselves. There would be only a very, very few besides ourselves who had achieved the technology and had not yet had time to destroy themselves.
    Perhaps aliens have not appeared because the distances between the stars is too great to cross, or they have reached us and decided to let us develop in peace, or have failed to appear for any number of other reasons. We can’t be sure that simply because no alien is here, there are no aliens somewhere out there.
    Questions:  What is the topic of the passage What is the author’s attitude towards it
 

答案: The passage is mainly discussing whether there is life on pl...
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Women are bad drivers, Saddam plotted 9/11, Obama was not born in America, and Iraq had weapons of mass destruction: to believe any of these requires suspending some of our critical-thinking faculties and succumbing instead to the kind of irrationality that drives the logically minded crazy. It helps, for instance, to use confirmation bias (seeing and recalling only evidence that supports your beliefs, so you can recount examples of women driving 40mph in the fast lane). It also helps not to test your beliefs against empirical data (where, exactly, are the WMD, after seven years of U. S. forces crawling all over Iraq); not to subject beliefs to the plausibility test (faking Obama’s birth certificate would require how widespread a conspiracy); and to be guided by emotion (the loss of thousands of American lives in Iraq feels more justified ff we are avenging 9/11).
    The fact that humans are subject to all these failures of rational thought seems to make no sense. Reason is supposed to be the highest achievement of the human mind, and the route to knowledge and wise decisions. But as psychologists have been documenting since the 1960s, humans are really, really bad at reasoning. It’s not just that we follow our emotions so often, in contexts from voting to ethics. No, even when we intend to deploy the full force of our rational faculties, we are often as ineffectual as eunuchs at an orgy.
    An idea sweeping through the ranks of philosophers and cognitive scientists suggests why this is so. The reason we succumb to confirmation bias, why we are blind to counterexamples, and why we fall short of Cartesian logic in so many other ways is that these lapses have a purpose: they help us "devise and evaluate arguments that are intended to persuade other people," says psychologist Hugo Mercier of the University of Pennsylvania. Failures of logic, he and cognitive scientist Dan Sperber of the Institute Jean Nicod in Paris propose, are in fact effective ploys to win arguments.
    That puts poor reasoning in a completely different light. Arguing, after all, is less about seeking truth than about overcoming opposing views. So while confirmation bias, for instance, may mislead us about what’s true and real, by letting examples that support our view monopolize our memory and perception, it maximizes the artillery we wield when trying to convince someone that, say, he really is "late all the time." Confirmation bias "has a straightforward explanation," argues Mercier. "It contributes to effective argumentation."
    Another form of flawed reasoning shows up in logic puzzles. Consider the syllogism "No C are B; all B are A; therefore some A are not C." Is it true Fewer than 10 percent of us figure out that it is, says Mercier. One reason is that to evaluate its validity requires constructing counterexamples (finding an A that is a C, for instance). But finding counterexamples can, in general, weaken our confidence in our own arguments. Forms of reasoning that are good for solving logic puzzles but bad for winning arguments lost out, over the course of evolution, to those that help us be persuasive but cause us to struggle with abstract syllogisms. Interestingly, syllogisms are easier to evaluate in the form "No flying things are penguins; all penguins are birds; so some birds are not fliers." That’s because we are more likely to argue about animals than A, B, and C.
    The sort of faulty thinking called motivated reasoning also impedes our search for truth but advances arguments. For instance, we tend to look harder for flaws in a study when we don’t agree with its conclusions and are more critical of evidence that undermines our point of view. So birthers dismiss evidence offered by Hawaiian officials that Obama’s birth certificate is real, and death-penalty foes are adept at finding flaws in studies that conclude capital punishment deters crime. While motivated reasoning may cloud our view of reality and keep us from objectively assessing evidence, Mercier says, by attuning us to flaws (real or not) in that evidence it prepares us to mount a scorched-earth strategy in arguments.
    Even the sunk-cost fallacy, which has tripped up everyone from supporters of a losing war ("We’ve already lost so many lives, it would be a betrayal to withdraw") to a losing stock ("I’ve held onto it this long"), reflects reasoning that turns its back on logic but wins arguments because the emotions it appeals to are universal. If Mercier and Sperber are right, the sunk-cost fallacy, confirmation bias, and the other forms of irrationality will be with us as long as humans like to argue. That is, forever.
    Questions:  What is the author’s opinion on irrationality
 

答案: The author thinks that, if Mercier and Sperber are right, al...
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It may be no surprise that the best-selling computer book so far this year is iPhone: The Missing Manual, by my colleague David Pogue.
    But here is something that did surprise me: the most popular edition of this book isn’t on paper or the PDF file that O’Reilly Media also sells. It is the downloadable application for the iPhone, according to Tim O’Reilly, the chief executive of O’Reilly Media.
    Amid all the discussion of micropayments and other ways that the creators of news and other content can be paid for their work, the iTunes App store is shaping up to be a surprisingly viable way to sell all sorts of information and entertainment.
    There is a lot more content of the sort you would have bought in the past but now you can get free on the Web: a directory of Congressional offices, standup comedy routines, gym workout videos, Zagat restaurant guides and a growing library of books. There is also a fair bit of free content, public-domain e-books like the complete works of Shakespeare and lots of advertising-supported media. (Business Week has a report this week on the App store’s role in music.)
    What’s most interesting is how iPhone users are willing to spend money in ways that Web users are not.
    I’ve criticized Apple from time to time for not having a coherent approach to delivering free content with advertising. But in some ways, the development of a market for paid content is a bigger and less expected achievement.
    Why has this happened Apple has created an environment that makes buying digital goods easy and common. With an infrastructure that supports one-click purchases of songs and videos, it was easy to add applications in the same paradigm. Paying for software, especially games, is not new to Apple customers. So when you see the iPhone manual or the Frommer’s Paris guidebook, it feels natural to click. (And of course, your credit card is already on file with Apple.)
    There are certainly other precedents. Many people who steal songs through Limewire nonetheless pay $1.99 to use the same tunes as ringtones. And for avid book readers, Amazon’s Kindle has found a market willing to pay for electronic books. Apple is also starting to sell subscriptions to bundles of music, video and images from certain bands, like Depeche Mode. This is technically a product of the Music store, not the App store, but it still shows how people may be willing to pay for various bundles of content online.
    There is a lot of work to do here. For example, I find the O’Reilly iPhone book a little hard to use. The text doesn’t seem particularly well-formatted for the iPhone page. And I would love to see more interactive features that utilize the phone interface (including some of David’s videos).
    Andrew Savikas, O’Reilly’s vice president for digital initiatives, agrees with me, saying that the iPhone manual was rushed to get it out before Christmas. The company now has 20 titles in development for the iPhone (and eventually other mobile phones), and it is spending more time weaving in hyperlinks and adding other features.
    "There is a lot more we can do to take advantage of this as a new medium," he said. O’Reilly, which sells to a lot of early adopters, has a range of digital distribution media.
    "We try to say all of our writing is writing for the Web, and all of our publishing is digital publishing, so all our focus is building things into the content that make it more friendly to be digital," he said.
    Before media companies rejoice that Apple has found a way to persuade a generation used to getting everything free on the Web to pay for some content, they should look a bit more closely at O’Reilly’s experience with the iPhone manual.
    The book, which sells for $ 24.99, was initially offered as an iPhone app for $4.99. When the publisher raised the price to $ 9.99, sales fell 75 percent. O’Reilly quickly dropped the price back down to the lower level.
    "This audience is very price sensitive," Mr. Savikas said.
    So even if all content doesn’t have to be free, it may well have to be cheap.
    Questions:  What does O’Reilly’s experience with the iPhone manual tell us
 

答案: The experience tells us that the audience is very sensitive ...
问答题

In seeking to describe the origins of theater, one must rely primarily on speculation, since there is little concrete evidence on which to draw. The most widely accepted theory, championed by anthropologists in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, envisions theater as emerging out of myth and ritual. The process perceived by these anthropologists may be summarized briefly. During the early stages of its development, a society becomes aware of forces that appear to influence or control its food supply and well-being. Having little understanding of natural causes, it attributes both desirable and undesirable occurrences to supernatural or magical forces, and it searches for means to win the favor of these forces. Perceiving an apparent connection between certain actions performed by the group and the result it desires, the group repeats, refines and formalizes those actions into fixed ceremonies, or rituals.
    Stories (myths) may then grow up around a ritual. Frequently the myths include representatives of those supernatural forces that the rites celebrate or hope to influence. Performers may wear costumes and masks to represent the mythical characters or supernatural forces in the rituals or in accompanying celebrations. As a person becomes more sophisticated, its conceptions of supernatural forces and causal relationships may change. As a result, it may abandon or modify some rites. But the myths that have grown up around the rites may continue as part of the group’s oral tradition and may even come to be acted out under conditions divorced from these rites. When this occurs, the first step has been taken toward theater as an autonomous activity, and thereafter entertainment and aesthetic values may gradually replace the former mystical and socially efficacious concerns.
    Although origin in ritual has long been the most popular, it is by no means the only theory about how the theater came into being. Storytelling has been proposed as one alternative. Under this theory, relating and listening to stories are seen as fundamental human pleasures. Thus, the recalling of an event (a hunt, battle, or other feat) is elaborated through the narrator’s pantomime and impersonation and eventually through each role being assumed by a different person.
    A closely related theory sees theater as evolving out of dances that are primarily pantomimic, rhythmical or gymnastic, or from imitations of animal noises and sounds. Admiration for the performer’s skill, virtuosity, and grace are seen as motivation for elaborating the activities into fully realized theatrical performances.
    In addition to exploring the possible antecedents of theater, scholars have also theorized about the motives that led people to develop theater. Why did theater develop, and why was it valued after it ceased to fulfill the function of ritual Most answers fall back on the theories about the human mind and basic human needs. One, set forth by Aristotle in the fourth century B.C., sees humans as naturally imitative—as taking pleasure in imitating persons, things, and actions and in seeing such imitations. Another, advanced in the twentieth century, suggests that humans have a gift for fantasy, through which they seek to reshape reality into more satisfying forms than those encountered in daily life. Thus, fantasy or fiction (of which drama is one form) permits people to objectify their anxieties and fears, confront them, and fulfill their hopes in fiction if not fact. The theater, then, is one tool whereby people define and understand their world or escape from unpleasant realities.
    But neither the human imitative instinct nor a penchant for fantasy by itself leads to an autonomous theater. Therefore, additional explanations are needed. One necessary condition seems to be a somewhat detached view of human problems. For example, one sign of this condition is the appearance of the comic vision, since comedy requires sufficient detachment to view some deviations from social norms as ridiculous rather than as serious threats to the welfare of the entire group. Another condition that contributes to the development of autonomous theater is the emergence of the aesthetic sense. For example, some early societies ceased to consider certain rites essential to their well-being and abandoned them, nevertheless, they retained as parts of their oral tradition the myths that had grown up around the rites and admired them for their artistic qualities rather than for their religious usefulness.
    Questions:  What is the function of the author’s mention of "comedy"
 

答案: The author uses the "comedy" to help explain why detachment ...
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The search for latent prints is done in a systematic and intelligent manner. Investigators develop techniques to locate traces of fingerprints at a crime scene. The basic premise in searching for latent prints is to examine more carefully those areas, which would most likely be touched by persons who have been on the scene. The natural manner in which a person would use and place his hands in making an entrance or exit from a building or in handling any object is the key to the discovery of latent prints.
    Where a forced entrance has been made, latent prints are likely to be found on any surface adjacent to or at that point. Any object with a smooth, non-porous surface is likely to retain latent prints if touched. Fingerprints on rough surfaces are usually of little value. If the fingermark does not disclose ridge detail when viewed under a reading glass, the chances are that its value in identification is nil when photographed. Where fingermarks are found, it will be necessary for the investigator to compare them against the ones of persons having legitimate access to the premises so that the traces might be eliminated as having evidentiary value if they prove to be from these persons. Places to search for prints on an automobile are the rear View mirror, steering wheel hub, steering column, windshield dashboard and the like.
    Dusting of surface may be done with a fine brush or with an atomizer. The whit powders used are basically finely powdered white lead, talc, or chalk. Another light powder is basically Chemist’s gray. A good black powder is composed of lampblack, graphite, and powdered acacia. Dragon’s blood is good powder for white surface and can be fixed on paper by heating. In developing latent prints, the accepted method is to use the powder sparingly and brush lightly. Do not use powder if the fingermark is Visible under oblique lighting. It can be photographed. A good policy for the novice is to experiment with his own prints on a surface similar to the one he wishes to search in order to determine the powder best suited to the surface. Fingerprints after dusting may be lifted by using fresh cellulose tape or commercially prepared material especially designed to lift and transfer dusted latent fingerprints.
    In addition to latent prints, the investigator must not overlook the possibility of two other types of fingerprint traces: molded impression and visible impression. Molded impressions are formed by the pressure of the finger upon comparatively soft, pliable, or plastic surfaces producing an actual mold of the fingerprint pattern. These can be recorded by photograph without treating the surface. It is usually most effective in revealing the impressions clearly. Visible impressions are formed when the finger is covered with some substance which is transferred to the surface contacted. Fingers smeared with blood, grease, dirt, paint, and the like will leave a Visible impression. If these impressions are clear and sharp, they are photographed under light without any treatment. Ordinarily, prints of this type are blurred or smeared and do not contain enough detail for identification by comparison. However, they can not be overlooked or brushed aside without first being examined carefully.
    Questions:  How to develop fingerprints
 

答案: In developing latent prints, the accepted method is to use t...
问答题

The search for latent prints is done in a systematic and intelligent manner. Investigators develop techniques to locate traces of fingerprints at a crime scene. The basic premise in searching for latent prints is to examine more carefully those areas, which would most likely be touched by persons who have been on the scene. The natural manner in which a person would use and place his hands in making an entrance or exit from a building or in handling any object is the key to the discovery of latent prints.
    Where a forced entrance has been made, latent prints are likely to be found on any surface adjacent to or at that point. Any object with a smooth, non-porous surface is likely to retain latent prints if touched. Fingerprints on rough surfaces are usually of little value. If the fingermark does not disclose ridge detail when viewed under a reading glass, the chances are that its value in identification is nil when photographed. Where fingermarks are found, it will be necessary for the investigator to compare them against the ones of persons having legitimate access to the premises so that the traces might be eliminated as having evidentiary value if they prove to be from these persons. Places to search for prints on an automobile are the rear View mirror, steering wheel hub, steering column, windshield dashboard and the like.
    Dusting of surface may be done with a fine brush or with an atomizer. The whit powders used are basically finely powdered white lead, talc, or chalk. Another light powder is basically Chemist’s gray. A good black powder is composed of lampblack, graphite, and powdered acacia. Dragon’s blood is good powder for white surface and can be fixed on paper by heating. In developing latent prints, the accepted method is to use the powder sparingly and brush lightly. Do not use powder if the fingermark is Visible under oblique lighting. It can be photographed. A good policy for the novice is to experiment with his own prints on a surface similar to the one he wishes to search in order to determine the powder best suited to the surface. Fingerprints after dusting may be lifted by using fresh cellulose tape or commercially prepared material especially designed to lift and transfer dusted latent fingerprints.
    In addition to latent prints, the investigator must not overlook the possibility of two other types of fingerprint traces: molded impression and visible impression. Molded impressions are formed by the pressure of the finger upon comparatively soft, pliable, or plastic surfaces producing an actual mold of the fingerprint pattern. These can be recorded by photograph without treating the surface. It is usually most effective in revealing the impressions clearly. Visible impressions are formed when the finger is covered with some substance which is transferred to the surface contacted. Fingers smeared with blood, grease, dirt, paint, and the like will leave a Visible impression. If these impressions are clear and sharp, they are photographed under light without any treatment. Ordinarily, prints of this type are blurred or smeared and do not contain enough detail for identification by comparison. However, they can not be overlooked or brushed aside without first being examined carefully.
    Questions:  What do you think can be the best title for this passage
 

答案: Fingerprints.
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