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The sound of “ch” in “teacher” is

The main difference between /m/, /n/, and / / lies in

She is (     ), from her recording, the diaries of Simon Forman.

Neither the unpleasant experiences nor the bad luck (     ) him discouraged.

Mr. Joe has worked very hard in the past two years and has paid all his debts (     ) the last penny.

he message came to the villagers (     ) the enemy had already fled the village.

We must improve the farming method (     ) we may get high yields.

—Do you mind if I smoke here

—(     ).

What is the main rhetoric device used in “The plowman homeward plods his weary way.” 

—A: Let’s go to the movie tonight.

—B: I’d like to, But I have to study for an exam.

In the conversation above, B’s decline of the proposal is categorized as a kind of (     ).

Which of the following activities is NOT typical of the Task-Based Language Teaching method

If a teacher shows students how to do an activity before they start doing it, he/she is using the technique of (     ).

When a teacher asks students to discuss how a text is organized, he/she is most likely to help them (     ).

Which of the following practices can encourage students to read an article critically 

Which of the following is a display question used by teachers in class

Which of the following would a teacher encourage students to do in order to develop their cognitive strategies

Which of the following exercises would a teacher most probably use if he/she wants to help students develop discourse competence

The advantages of pair and group work include all of the following EXCEPT (     ).

Which of the following should a teacher avoid when his/her focus is on developing students’ ability to use words appropriately？

Which of the following practices is most likely to encourage students’ cooperation in learning

阅读 Passage 1, 完成第 21~25 小题。

Passage 1

    Today’s adults grew up in schools designed to sort us into the various segments of our social and economic system. The amount of time available to learn was fixed: one year per grade. The amount learned by the end of that time was free to vary: some of us learned a great deal; some, very little. As we advanced through the grades, those who had learned a great deal in previous grades continued to build on those foundations. Those who had failed to master the early prerequisites with-in the allotted time failed to learn that which followed. After 12 or 13 years of cumulative treatment of this kind, we were, in effect, spread along an achievement continuum that was ultimately reflected in each student’s rank in class upon graduation

    From the very earliest grades, some students learned a great deal very quickly and consistently scored high on assessments. The emotional effect of this was to help them to see themselves as capable learners, and so these students became increasingly confident in school. That confidence gave them the inner emotional strength to take the risk of striving for more success because they believed that success was within their reach. Driven forward by this optimism, these students continued to try hard, and that effort continued to result in success for them. They became the academic and emotional winners. Notice that the trigger for their emotional strength and their learning success was their perception of their success on formal and informal assessments.

    But there were other students who didn’t fare so well. They scored very low on tests, beginning in the earliest grades. The emotional effect was to cause them to question their own capabilities as learners. They began to lose confidence, which, in turn, deprived them of the emotional reserves needed to continue to take risks. As their motivation warned, of course, their performance plummeted. These students embarked on what they believed to be an irreversible slide toward inevitable failure and lost hope. Once again, the emotional trigger for their decision not to try was their perception of their performance on assessments.

    Consider the reality-indeed, the paradox-of the schools in which we were reared. If some students worked hard and learned a lot, that was a positive result, and they would finish high in the rank order. But if some students gave up in hopeless failure, that was an acceptable result, too, because they would occupy places very low in the rank order. Their achievement results fed into the implicit mission of schools: the greater the spread of achievement among students, the more it reinforced the rank order. This is why, if some students gave up and stopped trying (even dropped out of school). that was regarded as the student’s problem, not the teacher’s or the school’s

    Once again, please notice who is using test results to decide whether to strive for excellence or give up in hopelessness. The “data-based decision makers” in this process are students themselves. Students are deciding whether success is within or beyond reach, whether the learning is worth the required effort, and so whether to try or not. The critical emotions underpinning the decision making porocess include anxiety, fear of failure, uncertainty, and unwillingness to take risks-all triggered by students’ perceptions of their own capabilities as reflected in assessment results.

    Some students responded to the demands of such environments by working hard and learning a great deal. Others controlled their anxiety by giving up and not caring. The result for them is exactly the opposite of the one society wants. Instead of leaving no child behind, these practices, in effect, drove down the achievement of at least as many students as they successfully elevated. And the evidence suggests that the downside victims are more frequently members of particular socioeconomic and ethnic minoritie

What has made students spread along an achievement continuum according to the passage

阅读 Passage 2, 完成第26~30 小题。

Passage 2

    Several research teams have found that newborns prefer their mothers’ voices over those of other people. Now a team of scientists has gone an intriguing step further: they have found that newborns cry in their native language. “We have provided evidence that language begins with the very first cry melodies,” says Kathleen Wermke of the University of Würzburg, Germany, who led the research.

    “The dramatic finding of this study is that not only are newborns capable of producing different cry melodies, but they prefer to produce those melody patterns that are typical for the ambient language they have heard during their fetal life, within the last trimester,” said Wermke. “Contrary to orthodox interpretations, these data support the importance of human infants’ crying for seeding language development.”

    It had been thought that babies’ cries are constrained by their breathing patterns and respiratory apparatus, in which case a crying baby would sound like a crying baby no matter what the culture is, since babies are anatomically identical. “The prevailing opinion used to be that newborns could not actively influence their production of sound,” says Wermke. This study refutes that claim: since babies cry in different languages, they must have some control (presumably unconscious) over what they sound like rather than being constrained by the acoustical properties of their lungs, throat, mouth, and larynx. If respiration alone dictated what a cry sounded like, all babies would cry with a falling-pitch pattern, since that’s what happens as you run out of breath and air pressure on the throat’s sound-making machinery decreases. French babies apparently didn’t get that memo. “German and French infants produce different types of cries, even though they share the same physiology,” the scientists point out. “The French newborns produce ‘nonphysiological’ rising patterns,” showing that the sound of their cries is under their control

    Although phonemes-speech sounds such as “ki” or “sh” don’t cross the abdominal barrier and reach the fetus, so-called prosodic characteristics of speech do. These are the variations in pitch, rhythm, and intensity that characterize each language. Just as newborns remember and prefer actual songs that they heard in utero, it seems, so they remember and prefer both the sound of mom’s voice and the melodic signature of her language.

    The idea of the study wasn’t to make the sound of a screaming baby more interesting to listeners-good luck with that-but to explore how babies acquire speech. That acquisition, it is now clear, begins months before birth, probably in the third trimester. Newborns “not only have memorized the main intonation patterns of their respective surrounding language but are also able to reproduce these patterns in their own [sound] production,” conclude the scientists. Newborns’ “cries are already tuned toward their native language,” giving them a head start on sounding French or German (or, presumably, English or American or Chinese or anything else: the scientists are collecting cries from more languages). This is likely part of the explanation for how babies develop spoken language quickly and seemingly without effort. Sure, we may come into the world wired for language (thank you, Noam Chomsky), but we also benefit from the environmental exposure that tells us which language.

    Until this study, scientists thought that babies became capable of vocal imitation no earlier than 12 weeks of age. that’s when infants listening to an adult speaker producing vowels can parrot the sound. But that’s the beginning of true speech. It’s sort of amazing that it took this long for scientists to realize that if they want to see what sounds babies can perceive, remember, and play back, they should look at the sound babies produce best. So let the little angel cry: she’s practicing to acquire language.

What does Kathleen wermke’s research indicate

阅读 Passage 1, 完成第 21~25 小题。

Passage 1

    Today’s adults grew up in schools designed to sort us into the various segments of our social and economic system. The amount of time available to learn was fixed: one year per grade. The amount learned by the end of that time was free to vary: some of us learned a great deal; some, very little. As we advanced through the grades, those who had learned a great deal in previous grades continued to build on those foundations. Those who had failed to master the early prerequisites with-in the allotted time failed to learn that which followed. After 12 or 13 years of cumulative treatment of this kind, we were, in effect, spread along an achievement continuum that was ultimately reflected in each student’s rank in class upon graduation

    From the very earliest grades, some students learned a great deal very quickly and consistently scored high on assessments. The emotional effect of this was to help them to see themselves as capable learners, and so these students became increasingly confident in school. That confidence gave them the inner emotional strength to take the risk of striving for more success because they believed that success was within their reach. Driven forward by this optimism, these students continued to try hard, and that effort continued to result in success for them. They became the academic and emotional winners. Notice that the trigger for their emotional strength and their learning success was their perception of their success on formal and informal assessments.

    But there were other students who didn’t fare so well. They scored very low on tests, beginning in the earliest grades. The emotional effect was to cause them to question their own capabilities as learners. They began to lose confidence, which, in turn, deprived them of the emotional reserves needed to continue to take risks. As their motivation warned, of course, their performance plummeted. These students embarked on what they believed to be an irreversible slide toward inevitable failure and lost hope. Once again, the emotional trigger for their decision not to try was their perception of their performance on assessments.

    Consider the reality-indeed, the paradox-of the schools in which we were reared. If some students worked hard and learned a lot, that was a positive result, and they would finish high in the rank order. But if some students gave up in hopeless failure, that was an acceptable result, too, because they would occupy places very low in the rank order. Their achievement results fed into the implicit mission of schools: the greater the spread of achievement among students, the more it reinforced the rank order. This is why, if some students gave up and stopped trying (even dropped out of school). that was regarded as the student’s problem, not the teacher’s or the school’s

    Once again, please notice who is using test results to decide whether to strive for excellence or give up in hopelessness. The “data-based decision makers” in this process are students themselves. Students are deciding whether success is within or beyond reach, whether the learning is worth the required effort, and so whether to try or not. The critical emotions underpinning the decision making porocess include anxiety, fear of failure, uncertainty, and unwillingness to take risks-all triggered by students’ perceptions of their own capabilities as reflected in assessment results.

    Some students responded to the demands of such environments by working hard and learning a great deal. Others controlled their anxiety by giving up and not caring. The result for them is exactly the opposite of the one society wants. Instead of leaving no child behind, these practices, in effect, drove down the achievement of at least as many students as they successfully elevated. And the evidence suggests that the downside victims are more frequently members of particular socioeconomic and ethnic minoritie

What is the authors attitude towards the old mission of assessment

阅读 Passage 2, 完成第26~30 小题。

Passage 2

    Several research teams have found that newborns prefer their mothers’ voices over those of other people. Now a team of scientists has gone an intriguing step further: they have found that newborns cry in their native language. “We have provided evidence that language begins with the very first cry melodies,” says Kathleen Wermke of the University of Würzburg, Germany, who led the research.

    “The dramatic finding of this study is that not only are newborns capable of producing different cry melodies, but they prefer to produce those melody patterns that are typical for the ambient language they have heard during their fetal life, within the last trimester,” said Wermke. “Contrary to orthodox interpretations, these data support the importance of human infants’ crying for seeding language development.”

    It had been thought that babies’ cries are constrained by their breathing patterns and respiratory apparatus, in which case a crying baby would sound like a crying baby no matter what the culture is, since babies are anatomically identical. “The prevailing opinion used to be that newborns could not actively influence their production of sound,” says Wermke. This study refutes that claim: since babies cry in different languages, they must have some control (presumably unconscious) over what they sound like rather than being constrained by the acoustical properties of their lungs, throat, mouth, and larynx. If respiration alone dictated what a cry sounded like, all babies would cry with a falling-pitch pattern, since that’s what happens as you run out of breath and air pressure on the throat’s sound-making machinery decreases. French babies apparently didn’t get that memo. “German and French infants produce different types of cries, even though they share the same physiology,” the scientists point out. “The French newborns produce ‘nonphysiological’ rising patterns,” showing that the sound of their cries is under their control

    Although phonemes-speech sounds such as “ki” or “sh” don’t cross the abdominal barrier and reach the fetus, so-called prosodic characteristics of speech do. These are the variations in pitch, rhythm, and intensity that characterize each language. Just as newborns remember and prefer actual songs that they heard in utero, it seems, so they remember and prefer both the sound of mom’s voice and the melodic signature of her language.

    The idea of the study wasn’t to make the sound of a screaming baby more interesting to listeners-good luck with that-but to explore how babies acquire speech. That acquisition, it is now clear, begins months before birth, probably in the third trimester. Newborns “not only have memorized the main intonation patterns of their respective surrounding language but are also able to reproduce these patterns in their own [sound] production,” conclude the scientists. Newborns’ “cries are already tuned toward their native language,” giving them a head start on sounding French or German (or, presumably, English or American or Chinese or anything else: the scientists are collecting cries from more languages). This is likely part of the explanation for how babies develop spoken language quickly and seemingly without effort. Sure, we may come into the world wired for language (thank you, Noam Chomsky), but we also benefit from the environmental exposure that tells us which language.

    Until this study, scientists thought that babies became capable of vocal imitation no earlier than 12 weeks of age. that’s when infants listening to an adult speaker producing vowels can parrot the sound. But that’s the beginning of true speech. It’s sort of amazing that it took this long for scientists to realize that if they want to see what sounds babies can perceive, remember, and play back, they should look at the sound babies produce best. So let the little angel cry: she’s practicing to acquire language.

Which of the following is closest in meaning to the underlined word “ambient” in Paragraph 2

阅读 Passage 1, 完成第 21~25 小题。

Passage 1

    Today’s adults grew up in schools designed to sort us into the various segments of our social and economic system. The amount of time available to learn was fixed: one year per grade. The amount learned by the end of that time was free to vary: some of us learned a great deal; some, very little. As we advanced through the grades, those who had learned a great deal in previous grades continued to build on those foundations. Those who had failed to master the early prerequisites with-in the allotted time failed to learn that which followed. After 12 or 13 years of cumulative treatment of this kind, we were, in effect, spread along an achievement continuum that was ultimately reflected in each student’s rank in class upon graduation

    From the very earliest grades, some students learned a great deal very quickly and consistently scored high on assessments. The emotional effect of this was to help them to see themselves as capable learners, and so these students became increasingly confident in school. That confidence gave them the inner emotional strength to take the risk of striving for more success because they believed that success was within their reach. Driven forward by this optimism, these students continued to try hard, and that effort continued to result in success for them. They became the academic and emotional winners. Notice that the trigger for their emotional strength and their learning success was their perception of their success on formal and informal assessments.

    But there were other students who didn’t fare so well. They scored very low on tests, beginning in the earliest grades. The emotional effect was to cause them to question their own capabilities as learners. They began to lose confidence, which, in turn, deprived them of the emotional reserves needed to continue to take risks. As their motivation warned, of course, their performance plummeted. These students embarked on what they believed to be an irreversible slide toward inevitable failure and lost hope. Once again, the emotional trigger for their decision not to try was their perception of their performance on assessments.

    Consider the reality-indeed, the paradox-of the schools in which we were reared. If some students worked hard and learned a lot, that was a positive result, and they would finish high in the rank order. But if some students gave up in hopeless failure, that was an acceptable result, too, because they would occupy places very low in the rank order. Their achievement results fed into the implicit mission of schools: the greater the spread of achievement among students, the more it reinforced the rank order. This is why, if some students gave up and stopped trying (even dropped out of school). that was regarded as the student’s problem, not the teacher’s or the school’s

    Once again, please notice who is using test results to decide whether to strive for excellence or give up in hopelessness. The “data-based decision makers” in this process are students themselves. Students are deciding whether success is within or beyond reach, whether the learning is worth the required effort, and so whether to try or not. The critical emotions underpinning the decision making porocess include anxiety, fear of failure, uncertainty, and unwillingness to take risks-all triggered by students’ perceptions of their own capabilities as reflected in assessment results.

    Some students responded to the demands of such environments by working hard and learning a great deal. Others controlled their anxiety by giving up and not caring. The result for them is exactly the opposite of the one society wants. Instead of leaving no child behind, these practices, in effect, drove down the achievement of at least as many students as they successfully elevated. And the evidence suggests that the downside victims are more frequently members of particular socioeconomic and ethnic minoritie

Which of the following is closest in meaning to the underlined word “ plummeted” in Paragraph 3

阅读 Passage 2, 完成第26~30 小题。

Passage 2

    Several research teams have found that newborns prefer their mothers’ voices over those of other people. Now a team of scientists has gone an intriguing step further: they have found that newborns cry in their native language. “We have provided evidence that language begins with the very first cry melodies,” says Kathleen Wermke of the University of Würzburg, Germany, who led the research.

    “The dramatic finding of this study is that not only are newborns capable of producing different cry melodies, but they prefer to produce those melody patterns that are typical for the ambient language they have heard during their fetal life, within the last trimester,” said Wermke. “Contrary to orthodox interpretations, these data support the importance of human infants’ crying for seeding language development.”

    It had been thought that babies’ cries are constrained by their breathing patterns and respiratory apparatus, in which case a crying baby would sound like a crying baby no matter what the culture is, since babies are anatomically identical. “The prevailing opinion used to be that newborns could not actively influence their production of sound,” says Wermke. This study refutes that claim: since babies cry in different languages, they must have some control (presumably unconscious) over what they sound like rather than being constrained by the acoustical properties of their lungs, throat, mouth, and larynx. If respiration alone dictated what a cry sounded like, all babies would cry with a falling-pitch pattern, since that’s what happens as you run out of breath and air pressure on the throat’s sound-making machinery decreases. French babies apparently didn’t get that memo. “German and French infants produce different types of cries, even though they share the same physiology,” the scientists point out. “The French newborns produce ‘nonphysiological’ rising patterns,” showing that the sound of their cries is under their control

    Although phonemes-speech sounds such as “ki” or “sh” don’t cross the abdominal barrier and reach the fetus, so-called prosodic characteristics of speech do. These are the variations in pitch, rhythm, and intensity that characterize each language. Just as newborns remember and prefer actual songs that they heard in utero, it seems, so they remember and prefer both the sound of mom’s voice and the melodic signature of her language.

    The idea of the study wasn’t to make the sound of a screaming baby more interesting to listeners-good luck with that-but to explore how babies acquire speech. That acquisition, it is now clear, begins months before birth, probably in the third trimester. Newborns “not only have memorized the main intonation patterns of their respective surrounding language but are also able to reproduce these patterns in their own [sound] production,” conclude the scientists. Newborns’ “cries are already tuned toward their native language,” giving them a head start on sounding French or German (or, presumably, English or American or Chinese or anything else: the scientists are collecting cries from more languages). This is likely part of the explanation for how babies develop spoken language quickly and seemingly without effort. Sure, we may come into the world wired for language (thank you, Noam Chomsky), but we also benefit from the environmental exposure that tells us which language.

    Until this study, scientists thought that babies became capable of vocal imitation no earlier than 12 weeks of age. that’s when infants listening to an adult speaker producing vowels can parrot the sound. But that’s the beginning of true speech. It’s sort of amazing that it took this long for scientists to realize that if they want to see what sounds babies can perceive, remember, and play back, they should look at the sound babies produce best. So let the little angel cry: she’s practicing to acquire language.

Why do German and French babies produce different types of cries according to the research

阅读 Passage 1, 完成第 21~25 小题。

Passage 1

    Today’s adults grew up in schools designed to sort us into the various segments of our social and economic system. The amount of time available to learn was fixed: one year per grade. The amount learned by the end of that time was free to vary: some of us learned a great deal; some, very little. As we advanced through the grades, those who had learned a great deal in previous grades continued to build on those foundations. Those who had failed to master the early prerequisites with-in the allotted time failed to learn that which followed. After 12 or 13 years of cumulative treatment of this kind, we were, in effect, spread along an achievement continuum that was ultimately reflected in each student’s rank in class upon graduation

    From the very earliest grades, some students learned a great deal very quickly and consistently scored high on assessments. The emotional effect of this was to help them to see themselves as capable learners, and so these students became increasingly confident in school. That confidence gave them the inner emotional strength to take the risk of striving for more success because they believed that success was within their reach. Driven forward by this optimism, these students continued to try hard, and that effort continued to result in success for them. They became the academic and emotional winners. Notice that the trigger for their emotional strength and their learning success was their perception of their success on formal and informal assessments.

    But there were other students who didn’t fare so well. They scored very low on tests, beginning in the earliest grades. The emotional effect was to cause them to question their own capabilities as learners. They began to lose confidence, which, in turn, deprived them of the emotional reserves needed to continue to take risks. As their motivation warned, of course, their performance plummeted. These students embarked on what they believed to be an irreversible slide toward inevitable failure and lost hope. Once again, the emotional trigger for their decision not to try was their perception of their performance on assessments.

    Consider the reality-indeed, the paradox-of the schools in which we were reared. If some students worked hard and learned a lot, that was a positive result, and they would finish high in the rank order. But if some students gave up in hopeless failure, that was an acceptable result, too, because they would occupy places very low in the rank order. Their achievement results fed into the implicit mission of schools: the greater the spread of achievement among students, the more it reinforced the rank order. This is why, if some students gave up and stopped trying (even dropped out of school). that was regarded as the student’s problem, not the teacher’s or the school’s

    Once again, please notice who is using test results to decide whether to strive for excellence or give up in hopelessness. The “data-based decision makers” in this process are students themselves. Students are deciding whether success is within or beyond reach, whether the learning is worth the required effort, and so whether to try or not. The critical emotions underpinning the decision making porocess include anxiety, fear of failure, uncertainty, and unwillingness to take risks-all triggered by students’ perceptions of their own capabilities as reflected in assessment results.

    Some students responded to the demands of such environments by working hard and learning a great deal. Others controlled their anxiety by giving up and not caring. The result for them is exactly the opposite of the one society wants. Instead of leaving no child behind, these practices, in effect, drove down the achievement of at least as many students as they successfully elevated. And the evidence suggests that the downside victims are more frequently members of particular socioeconomic and ethnic minoritie

Which of the following describes the paradox of the schools

阅读 Passage 2, 完成第26~30 小题。

Passage 2

    Several research teams have found that newborns prefer their mothers’ voices over those of other people. Now a team of scientists has gone an intriguing step further: they have found that newborns cry in their native language. “We have provided evidence that language begins with the very first cry melodies,” says Kathleen Wermke of the University of Würzburg, Germany, who led the research.

    “The dramatic finding of this study is that not only are newborns capable of producing different cry melodies, but they prefer to produce those melody patterns that are typical for the ambient language they have heard during their fetal life, within the last trimester,” said Wermke. “Contrary to orthodox interpretations, these data support the importance of human infants’ crying for seeding language development.”

    It had been thought that babies’ cries are constrained by their breathing patterns and respiratory apparatus, in which case a crying baby would sound like a crying baby no matter what the culture is, since babies are anatomically identical. “The prevailing opinion used to be that newborns could not actively influence their production of sound,” says Wermke. This study refutes that claim: since babies cry in different languages, they must have some control (presumably unconscious) over what they sound like rather than being constrained by the acoustical properties of their lungs, throat, mouth, and larynx. If respiration alone dictated what a cry sounded like, all babies would cry with a falling-pitch pattern, since that’s what happens as you run out of breath and air pressure on the throat’s sound-making machinery decreases. French babies apparently didn’t get that memo. “German and French infants produce different types of cries, even though they share the same physiology,” the scientists point out. “The French newborns produce ‘nonphysiological’ rising patterns,” showing that the sound of their cries is under their control

    Although phonemes-speech sounds such as “ki” or “sh” don’t cross the abdominal barrier and reach the fetus, so-called prosodic characteristics of speech do. These are the variations in pitch, rhythm, and intensity that characterize each language. Just as newborns remember and prefer actual songs that they heard in utero, it seems, so they remember and prefer both the sound of mom’s voice and the melodic signature of her language.

    The idea of the study wasn’t to make the sound of a screaming baby more interesting to listeners-good luck with that-but to explore how babies acquire speech. That acquisition, it is now clear, begins months before birth, probably in the third trimester. Newborns “not only have memorized the main intonation patterns of their respective surrounding language but are also able to reproduce these patterns in their own [sound] production,” conclude the scientists. Newborns’ “cries are already tuned toward their native language,” giving them a head start on sounding French or German (or, presumably, English or American or Chinese or anything else: the scientists are collecting cries from more languages). This is likely part of the explanation for how babies develop spoken language quickly and seemingly without effort. Sure, we may come into the world wired for language (thank you, Noam Chomsky), but we also benefit from the environmental exposure that tells us which language.

    Until this study, scientists thought that babies became capable of vocal imitation no earlier than 12 weeks of age. that’s when infants listening to an adult speaker producing vowels can parrot the sound. But that’s the beginning of true speech. It’s sort of amazing that it took this long for scientists to realize that if they want to see what sounds babies can perceive, remember, and play back, they should look at the sound babies produce best. So let the little angel cry: she’s practicing to acquire language.

When does language acquisition begin according to the research

阅读 Passage 1, 完成第 21~25 小题。

Passage 1

    Today’s adults grew up in schools designed to sort us into the various segments of our social and economic system. The amount of time available to learn was fixed: one year per grade. The amount learned by the end of that time was free to vary: some of us learned a great deal; some, very little. As we advanced through the grades, those who had learned a great deal in previous grades continued to build on those foundations. Those who had failed to master the early prerequisites with-in the allotted time failed to learn that which followed. After 12 or 13 years of cumulative treatment of this kind, we were, in effect, spread along an achievement continuum that was ultimately reflected in each student’s rank in class upon graduation

    From the very earliest grades, some students learned a great deal very quickly and consistently scored high on assessments. The emotional effect of this was to help them to see themselves as capable learners, and so these students became increasingly confident in school. That confidence gave them the inner emotional strength to take the risk of striving for more success because they believed that success was within their reach. Driven forward by this optimism, these students continued to try hard, and that effort continued to result in success for them. They became the academic and emotional winners. Notice that the trigger for their emotional strength and their learning success was their perception of their success on formal and informal assessments.

    But there were other students who didn’t fare so well. They scored very low on tests, beginning in the earliest grades. The emotional effect was to cause them to question their own capabilities as learners. They began to lose confidence, which, in turn, deprived them of the emotional reserves needed to continue to take risks. As their motivation warned, of course, their performance plummeted. These students embarked on what they believed to be an irreversible slide toward inevitable failure and lost hope. Once again, the emotional trigger for their decision not to try was their perception of their performance on assessments.

    Consider the reality-indeed, the paradox-of the schools in which we were reared. If some students worked hard and learned a lot, that was a positive result, and they would finish high in the rank order. But if some students gave up in hopeless failure, that was an acceptable result, too, because they would occupy places very low in the rank order. Their achievement results fed into the implicit mission of schools: the greater the spread of achievement among students, the more it reinforced the rank order. This is why, if some students gave up and stopped trying (even dropped out of school). that was regarded as the student’s problem, not the teacher’s or the school’s

    Once again, please notice who is using test results to decide whether to strive for excellence or give up in hopelessness. The “data-based decision makers” in this process are students themselves. Students are deciding whether success is within or beyond reach, whether the learning is worth the required effort, and so whether to try or not. The critical emotions underpinning the decision making porocess include anxiety, fear of failure, uncertainty, and unwillingness to take risks-all triggered by students’ perceptions of their own capabilities as reflected in assessment results.

    Some students responded to the demands of such environments by working hard and learning a great deal. Others controlled their anxiety by giving up and not caring. The result for them is exactly the opposite of the one society wants. Instead of leaving no child behind, these practices, in effect, drove down the achievement of at least as many students as they successfully elevated. And the evidence suggests that the downside victims are more frequently members of particular socioeconomic and ethnic minoritie

Which of the following will be triggered by the assessment results according to the passage

阅读 Passage 2, 完成第26~30 小题。

Passage 2

    Several research teams have found that newborns prefer their mothers’ voices over those of other people. Now a team of scientists has gone an intriguing step further: they have found that newborns cry in their native language. “We have provided evidence that language begins with the very first cry melodies,” says Kathleen Wermke of the University of Würzburg, Germany, who led the research.

    “The dramatic finding of this study is that not only are newborns capable of producing different cry melodies, but they prefer to produce those melody patterns that are typical for the ambient language they have heard during their fetal life, within the last trimester,” said Wermke. “Contrary to orthodox interpretations, these data support the importance of human infants’ crying for seeding language development.”

    It had been thought that babies’ cries are constrained by their breathing patterns and respiratory apparatus, in which case a crying baby would sound like a crying baby no matter what the culture is, since babies are anatomically identical. “The prevailing opinion used to be that newborns could not actively influence their production of sound,” says Wermke. This study refutes that claim: since babies cry in different languages, they must have some control (presumably unconscious) over what they sound like rather than being constrained by the acoustical properties of their lungs, throat, mouth, and larynx. If respiration alone dictated what a cry sounded like, all babies would cry with a falling-pitch pattern, since that’s what happens as you run out of breath and air pressure on the throat’s sound-making machinery decreases. French babies apparently didn’t get that memo. “German and French infants produce different types of cries, even though they share the same physiology,” the scientists point out. “The French newborns produce ‘nonphysiological’ rising patterns,” showing that the sound of their cries is under their control

    Although phonemes-speech sounds such as “ki” or “sh” don’t cross the abdominal barrier and reach the fetus, so-called prosodic characteristics of speech do. These are the variations in pitch, rhythm, and intensity that characterize each language. Just as newborns remember and prefer actual songs that they heard in utero, it seems, so they remember and prefer both the sound of mom’s voice and the melodic signature of her language.

    The idea of the study wasn’t to make the sound of a screaming baby more interesting to listeners-good luck with that-but to explore how babies acquire speech. That acquisition, it is now clear, begins months before birth, probably in the third trimester. Newborns “not only have memorized the main intonation patterns of their respective surrounding language but are also able to reproduce these patterns in their own [sound] production,” conclude the scientists. Newborns’ “cries are already tuned toward their native language,” giving them a head start on sounding French or German (or, presumably, English or American or Chinese or anything else: the scientists are collecting cries from more languages). This is likely part of the explanation for how babies develop spoken language quickly and seemingly without effort. Sure, we may come into the world wired for language (thank you, Noam Chomsky), but we also benefit from the environmental exposure that tells us which language.

    Until this study, scientists thought that babies became capable of vocal imitation no earlier than 12 weeks of age. that’s when infants listening to an adult speaker producing vowels can parrot the sound. But that’s the beginning of true speech. It’s sort of amazing that it took this long for scientists to realize that if they want to see what sounds babies can perceive, remember, and play back, they should look at the sound babies produce best. So let the little angel cry: she’s practicing to acquire language.

What can be inferred from the last paragraph